Monday, March 12, 2007

ODM-K's UK Trek Not OK?!?

Onyango Oloo Revisits A Message He Sent to ODM in November 2005

I have been following the events surrounding the ill-fated trip by ODM members to London. There is no need to recycle what is in the Kenyan media and public domain- the conflicting statements and finger pointing from the luminaries and presidential hopefuls; the scathing editorial interventions; the conspiracy theories; the rumours and innuendoes- and of course, the stubborn facts.

There are a couple of things I want to say before recycling a document I had sent to the ODM leadership-in November 2005.

One of those things is that part of the problems bedeviling ODM-Kenya is that it is NOT a political party, but rather, an electoral matatu propelling some of Kenya’s mainstream politicians to the apex of power that they have been seeking for quite some time.

The other thing worth pointing out is that ODM-K started climbing the tree from the top rather than from the bottom.

Thirdly, ODM-K makes the headline news most often not because they are pushing issue-based politics but rather engaging in spats or covering up insinuations that spats and rows are taking place in the first place.

Fourthly, as all these mini-feuds break out all over place with increasing predictability, the struggling wananchi are hungry for concrete alternatives and hankering for sustainable solutions to issues like poverty, unemployment, gender-based violence, corruption, expropriation and repatriation of Kenyan natural and human resources etc.

Fifthly, the allegation that Raila Odinga and his associates tried to stage manage an event in London to push Agwambo’s agenda seems inconsistent with the Raila Odinga I have known and interacted with abroad, in Canada between 1992 and 2005.

Let me give two illustrations to back me up.

On Wednesday, April 8, 1992 Raila Odinga and Gitobu Imanyara arrived in Toronto for a public event organized by the Kenyan community in southern Ontario. I remember this vividly because I am the one who secured a room on the second floor of the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education building located at 252 Bloor Street West. I helped to moderate the event as well. We organized the schedule and then invited Gitobu and Raila. I believe that event revolved around the emergence of the original, undivided Forum for the Restoration of Democracy in Kenya. There was also a lot of support for the women, especially the mothers of political prisoners who gathered at Freedom Corner in Uhuru Park to demand the release of their loved ones. At the end of the public Q & A the hat-literally- was passed around and slightly over 230 Canadian dollars were raised. I remember handing the actual cash to Gitobu Imanyara at the Pearson International Airport just before they flew to Ottawa for another encounter with Kenyans in the Canadian capital.

The second event was on Friday, August 25th, 2000. The venue this time was the Public Library at Dufferin and Eglinton West. We chose that place because one of us, James Karanja Ng’ang’a was one of the senior staff there and so it was easy for him to secure the hall located in the basement of the building. We had organized a public session featuring

Najib Balala, Kavetsa Adagala, Orwa Ojode, Peter Kyalo Kaindi, Professor Tumbo, Raila Odinga, William Ruto, Matunda Nyanchama and Adongo Ogony.

I remember having a run in with Ndhiwa MP Orwa Ojode- who saw himself as a very close aide to the Lang’ata MP at that period. Hon. Ojode railed at me when I informed him that ALL the visitors without exception would be limited to a 10 minute initial intervention before opening up the floor to the public participants. Ojode was adamant in demanding more time for Agwambo, arguing vociferously that Raila was a cut above the rest and therefore we could not keep a cap on how long it should take the Langata legislator to address the audience.

This back and forth went on for some time.

Ironically, it was Raila Odinga himself who resolved the impasse by informing Ojode that their entourage was visiting Toronto at the invitation of the local Kenyan community and that therefore they couldn’t and shouldn’t interfere with arrangements made by the organizers on the ground. As things turned out, the public session proved to be very fruitful with audience hanging around until very close to half past eleven at night.

I have had more than my fair share of organizing similar community-based public events in Canada and it looks outlandish for one to suggest that Raila was behind the just concluded UK foray with the troops...

My suspicions of what may or may not have happened in Britain this past week are neither here nor there.

Perhaps we will await the emergence of more facts before commenting much further.

All the same, and regardless of where you stand on the whole PR debacle, one keeps getting the nagging thought that all these issues on who the ODM-K’s flag bearer should be largely spring from the history of the ODM-K itself and the ideological underpinnings of its leading lights.

It is one’s fervent hope that the internal mud-slinging- if that is what it is- does not degenerate to the point where it resuscitates the dashed hopes of the totally discredited and self-destructing NARC-Kenya electoral machine.

It would be tragic not just for ODM-Kenya and its massive social base but also those patriotic Kenyans who have been hoping against hope that ODM-K may miraculously turn out to be the new political messiah, despite the ferociousness of the apparent infighting within its high flying “luminaries”.

With that long prologue, let me now recycle a document I wrote and submitted to the ODM leadership way back on November 30, 2005:

Viable Structures for the Orange Movement:

A Contribution by Onyango Oloo

[Following a discussion with some key members of the ODM in the days following the November 2005 Referendum victory for the NO forces, I was invited to submit a brief outline that was to be discussed internally within the Orange Democratic Movement.. What follows below is that contribution.]

1.0. The Historical and Ideological Context of the Orange Victory

The overwhelming rejection of the Wako Draft by 3.5 million Kenyans climaxing the just concluded referendum campaign has a deep significance far beyond the mainstream contestations of power that have pitted the NAK faction against the LDP and her KANU allies.

In the first place, it must be appreciated as the THIRD consecutive democratic victory garnered by the Kenyan people in almost as many years, following close on the heels of the Unbwogable Victory in December 2002 that brought an end to 40 years of KANU rule and the democratic breakthrough that punctuated the Bomas Triumph in March 2004. A key aspect of those three events is the massive participation of millions of ordinary wananchi in effecting peaceful democratic change in Kenya.

In the second place, the NO win marked a further opening up of democratic space precisely at a time when a section of the ruling elite was trying to sneak in disturbing precursors to a civilian dictatorship with creeping fascist tendencies. Despite the naked use of state terror in the form of brazen police brutality put in motion to crush peaceful and very well attended Orange rallies, the wananchi and their leaders were resolute in pushing for a reaffirmation of the tenets that led to the multi-party coalition which caused such a seismic shift in Kenya and beyond at the end of 2002.

In the third place, the Orange Victory has radically redefined the notions of who is to be counted among the “reformist” forces and who represented the forces of reaction. In an almost cruel ironic inversion, the heroes and sheroes of the reform movement of yesteryear emerged as some of the most vicious attack dogs at the forefront of shoring up an increasingly tribal cabal: names like Kiraitu Murungi, Koigi wa Wamwere, Kivutha Kibwana etc rush to mind. In the meantime, KANU which had become a by-word for repression, dictatorship and retrogressive politics managed to reinvent itself as a patriotic democratic formation counting among its ranks some of the most articulate defenders of our patriotic and democratic values: names like Uhuru Kenyatta, William Ruto and Mutula Kilonzo come to the foreground. In the meantime, the NAK faction led by President Kibaki, the hitherto self-declared “reformist wing” of the NARC administration thoroughly discredited itself among the Kenyan people by its naked appeal to the worst vestiges of ethnic chauvinism, overt state propaganda vilifying its perceived “enemies” and naked employment of the most tawdry manifestations of shameless pork barrel politics. This coming in the aftermath of the series of corruption linked scandals like Anglo Leasing, La Rue Gate and the embarrassing travel ban slapped on one of the most rabid hawks of the Kibaki kitchen cabinet went a long way in squandering the massive popular mandate given to NARC when it took over from KANU in January 2003.

In the fourth place, the opening up of democratic space had profound ramifications in the East and Central African region. We saw opposition forces in Uganda and elsewhere mull over the NARC coalition experience as a possible template that could power their own march towards forming governments in their respective countries. Additionally the emergence of a popular government in Kenya acted as one of the catalysts for the regional peace processes already underway in places like Somalia, Sudan etc. The Western countries initially warmed up to the prospect of doing business with the Kenyan government, before the NARC era corruption scandals emerged in the public domain to cool things off somewhat at the bilateral levels.

In the fifth place, the democratic breakthroughs in Kenya between 2002 and 2005 were punctuated by the re-entry into national politics of SEVEN marginalized groups: the working people in the towns and countryside; the youth; women; Muslims; pastoral communities and ethnic minorities.

In the sixth place, the aforementioned developments helped to solidify the prestige, respect and popularity of several mainstream Kenyan politicians- almost exclusively the present leadership of the Orange movement who were seen as the real progressive and patriotic leadership recognized by the Kenyan wananchi. The LDP, even more than KANU was seen as “the real opposition”.

In the seventh place, all of the above pushed otherwise conservative politicians in the LDP, KANU, Ford-Kenya and Ford-People mainstream parties to try and reinvent themselves as agents of democratic reform or else risk the ire of the irate masses.

In the eighth place, the core of all the democratic advances was anchored in the decades-long demand for a new KATIBA.

2.0. The Patriotic Responsibilities of the Orange Movement

At the moment, the Orange Democratic Movement is seen across the country as the one force in the mainstream that can spearhead the national political salvation of Kenya and is riding the crest of the post-referendum euphoria.

But let us not forget that this was precisely the position that Jomo Kenyatta and KANU found themselves in December 1963; that even Daniel arap Moi was seen to be a fresh gust of air following the repressive years of Kenyatta and the Kiambu Mafia and that the ORIGINAL Forum for the Restoration of Democracy in Kenya had the same delirious and enthusiastic backing that the ODM, and before it, NARC enjoys.

Time and time again, mainstream populist formations have been consistent in BETRAYING the trust, dashing the hopes and rubbishing the aspirations of the ordinary Mwananchi. This has been largely due to the fact that mass mobilization happens from above rather than below and that this mass mobilization is NOT de-linked from immediate electorate face offs. We notice that time and time again, politicians who are extremely popular with the wananchi use mass mobilization as a mfereji that is turned on and off for political expediency leading to the quick and disappointing demobilization of the very same wananchi who are largely responsible for the emergence of these leaders in the first place.

To be quite frank, the ODM is a very mixed gunia where you will find nduma mixed up with ngwache, mahindi, maharagwe, mchicha, kitungu saumu, pili pili hoho, biringanya and dania.

Within the Orange camp one finds veterans of the Kenyan reform movement as well as undisguised apologists for the status quo ante.

One finds consistent democrats as well as opportunistic political careerists.

There are those who are in Orange because of genuine patriotic sentiments-coexisting with defeated candidates from the last election mulling over the cynical possibilities of clambering on board the Orange gari la moshi to re-enter Bunge.

Because of these internal contradictions, the Orange Democratic Movement can go one of two ways- it could be a proto-NAK formation that cynically exploits the wananchi’s kiu for democratic change in order to grab elitist power;

OR it could be a GENUINE launching pad for a new, Made In Kenya national democratic and liberation movement that will complete some of the historical and political tasks left over by the Mau Mau and earlier generations of Kenyan wazalendo like Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Makhan Singh, Elijah Masinde, Pio Gama Pinto, JM Kariuki, Jean Marie Seroney, Bildad Kaggia and many others.

It is entirely up to the leadership of the ODM to determine which fork in the political road the former NO camp will take.

3.0. Some Strategic Imperatives for the Orange Democratic Movement

In order to be a viable political force that eventually grows to rival the clout that South Africa’s ANC currently enjoys, the ODM MUST focus on the KEY democratic demands of the Kenyan people:

(a) The need for a new democratic constitution;

(b) The permanent participation of wananchi in all aspects of national politics;

(c) The need to deal with the Mashamba Question;

(d) Devolution of powers to ensure BOTH regional autonomy AND national unity;

(e) Equal participation of Kenyan women in all political, social, economic and cultural spheres;

(f) Developing a national ethos that says NO to impunity, corruption, sloth and political arrogance;

(g) The re-entry of Muslims, pastoral communities and ethnic minorities in national politics;

(h) Forging peaceful and friendly ties with all of our neighbours;

(i) Developing a truly independent foreign policy;

(j) Placing Kenyan national interests at the forefront of any negotiations with international financial institutions and multi-lateral bodies such as the WTO;

(k) Valorizing Kiswahili and other components of our national heritage over the blind adherence to what Ngugi wa Thiong’o called a Kasuku Culture;

Perhaps the reader will notice that NONE of the above points includes “winning the next general elections and propelling so and so to State House.”

It is my contention that the death of the Orange Democratic Movement will kick in the moment the formation confines itself to a mad obsession with mainstream succession politics. The ordinary Kenyan people who are far ahead of the Orange Democratic Movement are NOT looking for a NARC retread or a Kibaki clone: they have been there and they have done that.

4.0. Creating Viable and Accountable Structures for Orange Democratic Movement

The ODM is a mseto cobbled together around the struggle for a new Katiba in Kenya. Its broad nature precludes any narrow ideological prescriptions.

However, no matter how diverse, this cannot be an excuse for lack of principles.

Because of its very popularity, the Orange movement is destined to attract political wagongaji, matapeli and even magagula (conmen, fraudsters and night runners to the Kiswahili shy). Scores of wanna be MPs and potential cabinet ministers in waiting will dash to Orange HQs to pledge fealty to a movement which perhaps, they secretly disdain because they are NOT true democrats, true reformers or true patriots. That is why I want to suggest a few cornerstones for the development of a strong ODM:

i) A broad patriotic and democratic manifesto that potential ODM members must understand and adhere to;

ii) A code of conduct for all ODM leaders to eschew such things as corruption, tribalism, nepotism and lone-ranger horse trading mentalities;

iii) A conscious affirmative action to ensure that 50% of the ODM leadership is comprised of women, youth and ,marginalized communities;

iv) A mashinani based approach to movement building. Units of the ODM should start at the locational level if possible.

v) A culture of internal democracy and open dialogue and tolerance for dissent within the parameters of the aforesaid manifesto.

I could write more but I am confining myself to the limit that we had all agreed upon when I embarked on this little intervention. Models that speak to some of the structures I have in mind include: the African National Congress of South Africa, Al Mubadara (The Palestine National Initiative), Al Mubadara and Uganda’s FDC (Force for Democratic Change).

I will provide copies of their structures shortly.



Nairobi, Kenya

November 30, 2005


The only feedback I got from the ODM-K leadership came from two senior people-none of them Raila- who basically told me to come down to earth because hardly anyone in the ODM grappled with such theoretical and ideological issues. That was it!


kenyaonly said...

ODM-K has let many followers down. I agree with you at this time they dont have a forum that they can say they are for, They are just like passengers waiting on to get onto the best "hooked up" matatu for a smooth ride to the parliament.

peni mbili zangu said...

oloo you almost sound like a political wankster...the Rutos of these world WILL NEVER be allowed antwhere near state house by means of a voting process

Anonymous said...

What a twist in logic. If it is a matatu of convenience, why are you bothering? Don't you have better things to do with your time? The fact is that booth ODM-K and NARC-K are vehicles for MPs (not wananchi) to ensure their reelection. Neither is a political party nor a liberation force. The salvation lies elsewhere (read: out side parliament).

Ms. Omoro said...

I attended the rally at wembley and I do believe with their strategy and as people who have been in the fore if not from the beginning been for the struggle for kenyans, ODM-K have a chance. You only need to see what is going on in the media to understand that previous governments used the same propaganda machines that they are using now to try and at times succeed in ruining the opposition.

Another thing i would wish to mention is that as a democracy we can act to make changes for ourselves, and with the power of the vote, if we don't like what happens when we get a new government then we can change it.

I am an advocate for change, not only that but to make the life of every Kenyan better, we do not need to have all this inequality that still exists. The six points(check my other posting) that ODM-K have for carrying out their plan are simple and doable and hope that given the vote they will enact them. Failure to do so then the people will issue a verdict.

Anonymous said...

It appears that the media are following Kikuyus everywere. Even if a Kikuyu gets appointed to the position of Director of Public Toilets, they will criticise it as further evidence of tribalism. It is as if Kikuyus are not Kenyans.

Kibaki’s government is far from Kenyatta as those who were there will attest. It is also radically different from Moi’s. I was surprised to find that some of the leading institutions are not being run by Kikuyus, given all the reports about Kikuyu domination. NSSF, Kenya Airways, Defence, Police, Kenya Ports Authority, University of Nairobi, Kenya Polytechnic, Public Prosecutions, Kenya Wildlife Serivice, KARI, TSC, etc.

The appointment of Prof. Ndun’gu has been used to show that non-Kikuyus have been sidelined and have not been appointed to any important position in the government and its institutions. Nothing could be further from the truth as the list below shows clearly.

Note: the so called GEMA people are not included and not all the parastals, directorates and departments are represented here. Also not included are lots and lots of Chairmen appointed by the President.

Judge for yourselves.

Managing Directors/Chief Executives of Government firms
Hosea Sitienei, MD, Kenya Seed Corporation
Ongong’a Achieng, MD, Kenya Tourist Board
Terry Davidson, MD, Kenya Commercial Bank
Titus Naikuni, MD, Kenya Airways
Kioko Mang’eli, MD, Kenya Bureau of Standards
Evans Kidero, MD, Mumias Sugar Co
Mr. Steven G. Smith,MD, Eveready Limited
Mr. V.D. Saboo, Executive Director, Panafrican Paper Mills, Webuye
Mr. Joseph Lithimbi, General Manager of Associated Vehicle Assemblers, Mombasa
Mr. Wasiu Bayo Ligali, Chief Executive Officer , Unilever Kenya
O.P. Narang, MD, Agro-chemical Food Company
Davy Koech, Director/CEO, Kenya Medical Research Institute
Victor Kidiwa, MD, Development Bank of Kenya
Mr Matanda Wabuyele, CEO, Kenya Export Promotion Council
Susan Kikwai, Managing Director, Kenya Investment Authority
Philp Kisia, MD, Kenyatta International Conference Centre
I.B Mogaka, Executive Secretary, ICDC
Albert. O. Gumo, CEO, Export Processing Zones Authority
George Okungu, MD, Kenya Pipeline Company
Obondo Kajumbi, MD, Kenya Tourism Development Corporation
Rachel Lumbasyo, Managing Trustee, NSSF
Julius Nyabundi, MD, Chemilil Sugar Company
William Kirwa, MD, Agricultural Development Corporation
Wilson Songa, MD, Horticultural Crops Development Authority
Ambrose Otieno, MD, South Nyanza Sugar Company
Nicholas Keya, MD, Kenya Sugar Research Foundation
Josphat Okoyo, MD, Nzoia Sugar Company
Tirop Kosgey, MD, National Cereals and Produce Board
Abdalla Mwaruwa, MD, Kenya Ports Authority
Martin O. Owiti, MD, Pyrethrum Board of Kenya
Francis Oyugi Okuku, MD, Kenya Wine Agencies
Emanuel Charo Birya, MD, East African Portland Cement Factory
James Abok Odera, MD, National Housing Corporation
Juma Lugogo, MD, Coast Development Authority
Bartholomew W. K. Wanyama, MD, Lake Basin Development Authority
John Omutia Murunga, MD, Kerio Valley Development Authority
Francis M. Nkako, MD, Uaso Nyiro South Development Authority
Abdulrazaq A. Ali, MD, Uaso Nyiro North Development Authority

Vice-Chancellors of Public Universities
Prof. G.A.O. Magoha, Vice-Chancellor, University of Nairobi
Prof. James Kiprop Tuikoek, Vice-Chancellor, Egerton University
Frederick N. Onyango, Vice-Chancellor, Maseno University
Prof. B.C.C. Wangila, Vice-Chancellor, Masinde Muliro University

Principals of Public Middle-Level Colleges and National Polytechnics
Dr Timothy King’ondu, Director, Kenya Medical Training College (KMTC)
Mr.Charles Imbali, Principal, Kenya Technical Teachers College
Mr G M Muthwale, Principal, Kenya Polytechnic
Mr. C.K. Lagat, Principal, Eldoret Polytechnic
Mr Francis Imbo Awuor, Principal, Kisumu Polytechnic,
Mr.Matu Nguli, Principal, Kenya Institute of Mass Communication
Mr C T Owour, Principal, Mombasa Polytechnic
Philemon Mwisaka, Principal, Kenya Utalii College

Permanent Secretaries
Permanent Secretary, Ministry of State for Public Service: MR. TITUS M. NDAMBUKI, H.S.C.
Permanent Secretary, Ministry of State for Special Programmes: MRS. RACHEL A. ARUNGAH
Permanent Secretary, Immigration and Registration of Persons: MR. EMMANUEL M. KISOMBE
Permanent Secretary, Public Service Reform and Development Secretariat: MS. JOYCE NYAMWEYA
Private Secretary/Comptroller of State Houses: MR. HYSLOP IPU
Principal Administrative Secretary, Cabinet Office: MR. FRANCIS K. MUSYIMI
Public Communications Secretary/Government Spokesman: DR. ALFRED N. MUTUA
Inspector –General, Inspectorate of State Corporations: MR. PETER B. ONDIEKI
Permanent Secretary, Office of the President, AMB. NANCY C. KIRUI
Permanent Secretary, Office of the Vice-President: MRS. ALICE KEMUNTO MAYAKA
Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Local Government: MR. SOLOMON S. BOIT
Investment Secretary, Ministry of Finance: MRS. ESTHER KOIMET
Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Health: (DR.) HEZRON O. NYANGITO
Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Roads and Public Works: AMB. MOHAMED MAALIM MAHAMUD
Education Secretary: (PROF.) GEORGE IMBANGA GODIA
Permanent Secretary, Science and Technology: (PROF). CRISPUS MAKAU KIAMBA
Permanent Secretary, Livestock Development: (DR). JACOB OLE MIARON
Permanent Secretary, Justice & Constitutional Affairs: MS. DOROTHY N. ANGOTE
Permanent Secretary, East African Community: AMB. (DR.) HUKKA WARIO
Permanent Secretary, Gender Sports, Culture and Social Services: RACHEL B. DZOMBO (MRS.)
Permanent Secretary, Information and Communications: (DR.) BITANGE NDEMO
Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Water: ENG. MAHBOUB M. MAALIM
Permanent Secretary for Regional Development: ENG. DAVID STOWER
Permanent Secretary for Trade and Industry: MR. DAVID S.O. NALO
Permanent Secretary for Tourism and Wildlife: MRS. REBECCA M. NABUTOLA
Permanent Secretary for Lands: MR. KOMBO MWERO,
Permanent Secretary for Housing: MR. TIROP KOSGEY
Permanent Secretary for Environment: (PROF.) JAMES OLE KIYIAPI
Permanent Secretary for Labour and Human Resources: MR. MARK K. BOR
Permanent Secretary, Cooperative Development and Marketing: MR. PATRICK S. KHAEMBA
Permanent Secretary: (DR.) EDWARD SAMBILI
Secretary, Public Service Commission of Kenya: MRS. BERNADETTE M. NZIOKI

Directors of Government Departments:
Director of National Youth Service: MR. JAPHETH K. MWANIA
Director of Medical Services: (DR.) JAMES W. NYIKAL
Chief of Protocol: AMB. BRUCE M. MADETE
Director of Kenya Wildlife Service: DR. JULIUS K. KIPNGETICH
Commissioner of Lands: MRS. JUDITH MARILYN OKUNGU
Director of Housing: (DR.) JULIUS M. MALOMBE
Director of Public Prosecutions: MR. KERIAKO TOBIKO
Director of E-Government: DR. SYLVANUS JUMA OKECH
David Isoe, Director, Non Governmental Organisations (NGO) Coordinating Board
Johnson Kazungu, Director, Kenya Marine Fisheries Research Institute
P.K. Konuche, Director, Kenya Forestry Research Institute
Idle Omar Farah, Director, National Museum of Kenya
Avington Muusya Mwinzi, Director, Kenya National Environment Management Authority
Dr. Ephraim A. Mukisira, Director, Kenya Agricultural Research Institute
C.J. Kedera, Director, Kenya Plant Health Inspectorate Service
G.K. Kingoria, Director, National Council of Science and Technology
Philemon Arodi Abong’o, Director, Kenya Sports Stadia Management Board


Commandant, Anti-Stock Theft Unit: MR. NICHOLAS NYAKWAMA OMBATI
Commandant, Traffic Police: Mr. Daudi J. Kyalo
Commandant, Kenya Police College: MR. BERNARD K. KEMEY
Commandant, Kenya Railways Police: Mr. Francis Changwany
Commandant, Central Province: MR. PETER M.LEIYAN
Commandant, Rift Valley Police: EVERRET WASIGE
Commandant, Nyanza Police: GRACE SYOMBUA KAINDI
Commandant, Western Province Police: Mr. ABDUL MAKA MZEE
Commandant, Eastern Province Police: JONATHAN KIPKURUI KOSKEI
Commissioner of Prisons: MR. GILBERT MIDHUNE OMONDI

Speaker of the National Assembly

Head of Government Specialized Agency
Samuel Kivuitu, Executive Chairman, National Electoral Commission
Priscilla Komora, Controller and Auditor-General, Kenya National Audit Office
JIbrahim Hussein, Executive Chairman, Teachers Service Commission
Prof. Everett Standa, Secretary, Commission for Higher Education

Judges – Court of Appeal
Judges of Court of Appeal
Hon. Mr. Justice E. O’Kubasu
Hon. Mr. Justice R.S.C. Omolo
Hon. Mr. Justice S.E.O. Bosire
Hon. Mr. Justice P.K. Tunoi
Hon. Mr. Justice Philip Waki
Hon. Mr. Justice J.W. Onyango Otieno
Hon. Mr. Justice William Deverell

Judges of the High Court (Puisne Judges)
Hon. Mr. Justice John. M. Khamoni
Hon. Lady Justice J. Aluoch
Hon. Mr. Justice John. A. Osiemo
Hon. Mr. Justice John. W. Mwera
Hon. Lady Justice M. A. Ang’awa
Hon. Lady Justice J. W. Lesiit
Hon. Mr. Justice Muga Apondi
Hon. Lady Justice H. M. Okwengu
Hon. Lady Justice R. P. V. Wendo
Hon. Justice Kaburu Banui
Hon. Mr. Justice B.K. arap Tanui
Hon. Mr. Justice William Ouko
Hon. Lady Justice K.H. Rawal
Hon. Mr. Justice A. R. M. Visram
Hon. Mr. Justice D. A. Onyacha
Hon. Mr. Justice N. R. O Ombija
Hon. Mr. Justice J. K. Sergon
Hon. Lady Justice J. N. Khaminwa
Hon. Prof. Justice O. K. Mutungi
Hon. Mr. Justice B. K. Kubo
Hon. Mr. Justice M. K. Ibrahim
Hon. Prof. Justice J. B. Ojwang
Hon. Mr. Justice David K. Maraga
Hon. Mr. Justice George M. A. Dulu
Hon. Lady Justice Mary M. Kasango
Hon. Mr. Justice Daniel K. Musinga
Hon. Mr. Justice Isaac Lenaola
Hon. Mr. Justice J. A. Emukule
Hon. Mr. Justice F. Azangalala
Hon. Mr. Justice F. A. Ochieng
Hon. Mr. Justice S. A. Makhandia
Hon. Mr. Justice M. A. Warsame
Hon. Lady Justice Ruth Sitati

Central Bank of Kenya
Deputy Governor: Mrs. Jacinta Wanjala Mwatela, Appointed May 12, 2005
Mr. Jones Makau Nzomo, Director of Finance and Resource Planning Department
Mr. Aggrey Jonathan K. Bett, Director, Banking Department
Mr. Nicholas Bartuiyot Tirop Arap Korir, Director, Economics Department
Mr. Jackson M. Kitili, Director,Monetary Operations & Debt Management Department
Mr. Edwin Luke Ogola, Director,Currency Operations & Branch Administration Department
Mr. Cheloti Kakai, Director, Director, Deposit Protection Fund Board
Mr. Charles Onami Maranga, Director of Administration & Human Resources

Hassan Ole Kamwaro, Chairman of the Transport Licensing Board

Chancellors of Universities
Prof. Bethwel Ogot, Moi University
Prof. Ali Mazrui, JKUCAT
Dr. Wamalwa, Maseno University
Dr. Philip Mule, Kenyatta University
Eng. Hon. Samuel K. Arap Ng’eny, Masinde Muliro University
Dr. Mohammed Isahakia, Vice-Chairman, Masinde Muliro University


Minister of State, Ministry of State for National Heritage: THE HON. SULEIMAN R. SHAKOMBO,
Minister of State, Ministry of State for Youth Affairs: THE HON. DR. MOHAMMED A. KUTI,
Minister for Local Government: THE HON. MUSIKARI N. KOMBO
Minister for Roads and Public Works: THE HON. SIMEON NYACHAE
Minister for Science and Technology: THE HON. (DR). NOAH M. WEKESA
Minister of State for Public Service: THE HON. MOSES AKARANGA, E.G.H
Minister of State for Immigration and Registration of Persons: THE HON. GIDEON S. KONCHELAH
Minister for Agriculture: THE HON. KIPRUTO RONO ARAP KIRWA
Minister for Livestock Development: THE HON. JOSEPH KONZOLLO MUNYAO
Minister, Foreign Affairs: THE HON. RAPHAEL TUJU
Minister, East African Community: THE HON. JOHN KIPSANG ARAP KOECH
Minister for Transport: THE HON. (AMB. ) CHIRAU ALI MWAKWERE
Minister for Water Development: THE HON. JOHN MUTUA KATUKU
Minister for Regional Development Authorities: THE HON. MOHAMED ABDI MOHAMUD
Minister for Trade and Industry: THE HON. (DR.) MUKHISA KITUYI
Minister for Tourism and Wildlife: THE HON. MORRIS M. DZORO
Minister for Lands (ag): THE HON. (PROF.) KIVUTHA KIBWANA
Minister for Housing: THE HON. PETER SOITA ####ANDA
Minister for Environment: THE HON. (PROF.) KIVUTHA KIBWANA
Minister for Labour and Human Resources: THE HON. (DR.) NEWTON KULUNDU
Minister for Planning and National Development: THE HON. HENRY O. OBWOCHA
Attorney-General: THE HON. S. AMOS WAKO,

Assistant Ministers
Assistant Minister for Provincial Administration: THE HON. JOSEPH KAHINDI KINGI, M.P.
Assistant Minister for Public Service: THE HON. BONIFACE MGANGA, M.P.
Assistant Minister, Ministry of State for Defence: THE HON. STEPHEN K. TARUS, M.P.
Assistant Minister, Immigration and Registration of Persons: THE HON. ANANIAH MWABOZA
Assistant Minister, Ministry of State for Special Programmes: THE HON. WARIO ALI, M.P.
Assistant Minister, Ministry of Home Affairs: THE HON. SAMUEL MOROTO,
Assistant Minister, Ministry of Home Affairs: THE HON. HUSSEIN MAALIM MOHAMMED,
Assistant Minister, Ministry of State for Youth Affairs: THE HON. KATOO J. OLE METITO,
Assistant Minister for Urban Authorities: THE HON. ISAACK A. SHAABAN
Assistant Minister for Medical Services: THE HON. (DR.) WILFRED G. MACHAGE
Assistant Minister for Public Health: THE HON. (DR.) ENOCK W. KIBUNGUCHY
Assistant Minister for Public Works: THE HON. HUSSEIN T. SASURA,
Assistant Minister, Science and Technology: THE HON. UKUR KANACHO YATANI
Assistant Minister for Research and Extension Services: THE HON. PETER KAINDI
Assistant Minister for Livestock Development: THE HON. STEPHEN OLE NTUTU, M.P.
Assistant Minister for Fisheries Development: THE HON. MOHAMED ABU CHIABA
Assistant Minister, Justice and Constitutional Affairs: THE HON. DANSON B. MUNGATANA,
Assistant Minister for International Affairs: THE HON. MOSES WETANGULA,
Assistant Minister, East African Community: THE HON. ((DR.) BONI KHALWALE
Assistant Minister for Gender and Social Services: THE HON. MRS. ALICEN J.R. CHELAITE
Assistant Minister for Sports: THE HON. JOEL O. ONYANCHAH
Assistant Minister for Communications: THE HON. DAVID WERE
Assistant Minister for Water Services: THE HON. MAJOR (Rtd.) ADEN A. SUGOW
Assistant Minister for Water Resources Management: THE HON. RAPHAEL WANJALA
Assistant Minister for Trade: THE HON. ABDIRAHMAN ALI HASSAN
Assistant Minister for Wildlife: THE HON. RICHARD KALEMBE NDILE
Assistant Minister for Lands: THE HON. ASMAN A. KAMAMA
Assistant Minister for Labour Relations: THE HON. SAMMY P. LESHORE,
Assistant Minister for Manpower Management: THE HON. ADELINA N. MWAU
Assistant Minister for Planning: THE HON. DAVID EKWEE ETHURO
Assistant Minister for National Development: THE HON. JOHN B. SERUT

This is what Odero and other ODM-Kenya diehards would not have us see. The name of the game is trying to win votes using fear and disinformation, apparently the focus of the campaign being illeterate Kenyans. Kenyans are in dire need of a party that has a roadmap for building Kenya and uplifting it’s citizens. Unfortunately both Narc and ODM lack in these aspects.
The furture does indeed seem bleak

Anonymous said...


With African countries such as Kenya having so many educate people in the middle class and up to the elite, many of whom were educated in the West, where they witnessed what a politics of national civic ideology can do for the integrity and development of a state and its people, I find it extremely sad that Kenyan politics, but more specifically Kenyan politicians and socio-political thinkers are so shamelessly tribal. Western educated elite leaders like Kibaki, Odinga, and many more already have their millions of dollars, but even more so they all are aware of the possibilities that societies and individuals can reach in the fields of science, culture, and economic prosperity when inspired by political leaders to believe in national ideas of equality and civic duty rooted in the people.

What do these elite leaders have to loose by abandoning appeals to tribe and the politicizing of tribal identity it fosters, and instead try to challenge Kenyans to subscribe to an African rooted notion of higher politics and national identity. If a national identity does not exist, why aren't these Western educated leaders creating a national ideology and identity? I find the most depressing thing to be not that elite African leaders do not have such vision, but that they are found to be totally lacking in want or desire of such. How can African states through their leaders on the world stage ever relevantly engage in higher politics and be respected by other countries if at home electoral politics is relegated exclusively to the arena of trifling tribal squabbles while for the winner governing the state takes on the characteristics of a family and friends all expensive paid four year or more vacation.

Metaphorically viewing the nation as a child, Kenyan electoral politics, and actually most of the African continents, becomes a process of selfish-gratification for competing tribal elites, in which multi-tribal political identity becomes the contra-ceptive they individually exploit to maximize and guarantee their personal political ambitions. Irrespective of the genesis of multi-tribal politics in the African state, on account of their status as the elite, the fact that they benefit from such a system, and that they don’t fight against it, these elite in effect become the culprits, primarily responsible for disabling the process of socio-political thought, which would eventually lead to the birth of a nation.

Despite what many would like to believe, nations like tribes and ethnicities are neither primordial, static nor self-evident, but are created and maintained by leadership, through a forging and a continual reinforcing of shared valued.

Going further with this metaphor which views the nation as a child, the winner of said elections in so called governing the state actually participates in a mockery of the un-conceived, in that one takes on the formalities of caring for a non-existing nation, (national anthem, flag, army, state house, trade relations, etc), but in practice uses state resources to care for and satisfy himself primarily and because of self-interest and pride his familial appendages. Whereas those who oppose the people currently in power do so only based on no less the same intentions veiled under the masquerade of an opposition party fighting for the interest of a nation un-conceived. Others go a step further, discarding all pretensions and simply arguing that its time for their tribe to be in power.

So I ask the question. What is the significance of someone like Raila spending time in prison? Being opposed to a dictator and thereby ending up in prison is not a sufficient let alone a necessary variable towards determining the quality of ones national sincerity. Many a dictators and corrupt politicians have been imprisoned by prior dictatorial regimes for opposing their rule. My point is simply that personalized political war stories are at the least meaningless, at the most dangerous, if all that lies behind them are a tribal politics and autobiography. Without any personal transformation by the likes of Odinga away from the tribal into an articulated national ideological or sentiment such past political abuses actually leaves one with much anxiety as to the intentions one has once in power

Whereas most Kenyans are anti-Raila simply because he is a Luo, irregardless of issues, most Luo's are Pro-Raila simply because he is a Luo, irregardless of issues. The reality is that most opposition ideology in Africa is no ideology, it’s simply a shouting of the guy in power is bad, I can do better! Even if politicians like Raila had an ideology above and beyond tribe towards a conceptualized nation, it probably would not matter. This gets to what I believe is the most serious question.

For Raila shouldn’t it matter? What about for Kibaki, or for any person seeking political office in Kenya, or in any country in Africa? Shouldn’t it matter that, win or lose, they have an ideology that is above and beyond the tribe towards that conceptualized, even if not yet actualized national self, because if it doesn’t matter then how are such men any more different then the African dictators of Africa's first and second generation. That is in that they seek power to satisfy their own care, and the care of their appendages, while doing just enough to make sure it looks like a nation existences. If such men are different it is only in their adaptation to our post-cold war, neo-liberal times, not in their intention of transforming themselves and the people of the state into a truly developing commonwealth.

In a sense for Kenyan political culture to change, their needs to be sacrifice, and the mark of true political leadership is the ability to sacrifice ones own desires for the common welfare, or for the creation of a common welfare where one does not exist. These ideas are not the wondering of out of touch philosophers, but come fro the real life examples of leaders from the elite of their respective ethnic groups such as in Dr. King and Dr. Nyerere, the European Enlightenment and Romantic Movement.

These men were not merely politicians, but socio-political reformers for a time when politicians were not enough. Just like Dr. King who saw both Whites and Blacks as Americans, at a time many whites and blacks did not see it and in believing so appealing to the constitution, moral law, or whatever he could think of to implore Whites to see the American in Blacks and Blacks to lay down the anger they had in their hearts and see that to be an American is their Constitutional right. Yes, Dr. King did pay the ultimate sacrifice, but it's because of his sacrifice and the sacrifice of many others like him that we can say he was actually a leader worth discussing. It is because of these sacrifices that a skinny black kid, with a funny name, born of a Luo father and White mother can viably run for the President of the United States of America.

As parts of there respective minority elites, the clergy and Western educated Africans respectively, both Dr. King and Dr. Nyerere could of settled for being little chiefs amongst their fiefdom. The former, an American Clergyman in name, but in practice, a beloved Clergyman amongst his Southern Black congregation. The latter, President of a Tanzanian nation by name, but in practice, a hero of the Sukuma tribe. They choose to reach for a higher sense of leadership. What African political elites tend to forget is that what separates the truly elite from the petty elite is a desire for real honor and respect on an individual level. This sort of respect can only be acquired based on ones dedication to issues and ideas dealing with humanity, things which go beyond ethnic identity. To simply be feared or looked at in awe by ones family and intimate relations was to base for them. It is this real form of honor and respect that sets the foundation for the development of a country.

I can understand the people of Tanzania's fear of having an East African Federation. It's not so much that they fear losing their jobs in a free market. It seems like most Tanzanians are aware that they need to be more aggressive educationally and economically, but it’s the fear of joining with a state which politically has very little sense of a common trust and common identity. When a state lacks such a center of civic and political gravity, and has one of the largest gaps in income inequality in the world you are bound to see high rates of corruption, crime, indifference to human suffering, depression, alienation and all sorts of social anxieties and insecurities. Yes, Mwalimu did make the mistake of installing African socialism, which held Tanzania's economy back many years, but a state like Tanzania if keep to itself can always develop, because a home made foundation has been laid. The people and the leaders to a reasonable extent see the state as a national trust, not a prize to be slit between different factions indifferent to a common well being.

Just as man does not like off of bread and water alone, a state does not develop off of capitalism alone, especially free market capitalism combined with a socio-political tribalism. People within political borders do not get together solely on the motivation of money and business, without regard to a sensibility of common regard and equality as is reflected in their national identity. A national identity is not just about politics it about progress, peace, and security. It is no wonder that Tanzania has been the most stable multi-tribal state in Africa since independence. Only when there exist a national political identity can women's groups, and labor groups, organizations representing the poor, and children, namely civil society based on issues not identity truly be awaken. This would be the gift that an East African Federation would bring to the people of the region.

In light of the fact that Kenya has the most dominant economy and educated professional class in the region, I don’t believe it’s a stretch to say that Kenya may be the key to a successful integration of East Africa and possibly the Great Lakes Region at large. But for this African development project to really be successful, I believe new socio-political leadership will have to come out of Kenya. Maybe instead of coming from the elite, this leadership may actually come from a small yet energetic, urbanized middle class; one in search of a socio-political identification large enough to fit and care for the tribally displaced, regionally based socio-economic existence they find themselves in. In their inspiration to cultivate ideologies based on common values drawn from their traditions these New Africans may just move the people of the region away from the archaic notions of static tribal identity politics towards a dignified diverse yet universally appealing political ideology.

Anonymous said...

kenya kenya wo wo wo.
lukio had a bungalow.

Luke I'm your father, and took råslgagsbannan home to Fliskåsvägen in Hägenäs.

What tha hell Matabel.

Eat bananas in cam, black Pam.

lukio had a bungalow. iay iay o.