Wednesday, February 20, 2013

Rabbit Electrifies KCA....

 An Eye Witness Account by Onyango Oloo

KCA University located in Ruaraka, on the outskirts of Nairobi is an institution of higher learning focusing on business studies that was set up in 1989 by the Institute of  Public Accountants of Kenya as a  college of accountancy. The dream of morphing into a fully fledged university was mooted around 1997. It diversified into broader academic matters in 2000 and seven years later realized  it became a private university. In 2012 KCA University received its full charter from the Commission on Higher Education. From its initial intake of  170 students back in 1989 it now enrolls about 15,000 students annually and has  four campuses in Kenya and South Sudan.

A private university known for churning out accountants and other business graduates is hardly the place to associate with social justice activism and earnest democratic strirrings  punctuated with passionate rallying cries for peace, national harmony and conflict transformation.

Yet this was exactly what the main campus of KCA University became on Tuesday, February 12, 2013.

It was the day after the  historic Kenyan presidential debates relayed live across all television channels and broadcast by at least 34 radio stations around the country.

The main impetus for this welcome dose of progressive consciousness came from the meticulous organizing from fastest rising musical talent on the contemporary Kenyan scene- the inimitable Rabbit aka Kaka Sungura.

 A modest,  down to earth soft-spoken poet and rapper Rabbit has  quickly made a name  for himself all over East Africa for his clever and inventive word play and well crafted videos. He has become the soundtrack articulating the aspirations, the angst, the perspectives of Kenyan youth. Some of his stand out tracks include Swahili Shakespeare, Adisia,  Uko Sure and Nakuchukia.  He has done collabos with other Kenyan, Tanzanian and  American artistes. His songs are in heavy rotation on Kenya's youth oriented radio and television programs-making him a household name even though he is still in his early twenties.

Here are some Youtube links to his videos:

A savvy entrepreneur, Rabbit has a clothing line called Kaka Empire which churns out T-shirts, custom made jeans and other paraphernalia. He  produces and distributes his own videos and cds. He has a dedicated crew of fellow  Kenyan youth and he acts as a mentor to many who idolize him for his verbal dexterity on the mic.

Rabbit country wide tour has taken him to various Kenyan colleges and universities...

Most of his shows have progressive themes dealing with relevant and burning social, economic and political issues- from preaceful elections, integrity to the fight against corruption.

I was pleasantly surprised and felt very much honoured when Rabbit recently reached out to me through one of his close collaborators,  a young activist and word smith that I have collaborated with on a couple  of community-based social justice projects dating  back to the  last three years. We met at the Tom Mboya memorial where the statue of the Kenyan nationalist was erected in downtown Nairobi between Moi Avenue and Tom Mboya Street just across from where another famous Kenyan freedom fighter, Dedan Kimathi is immortalized in yet another landmark statue. After some introductions they explained me about their  current project

The event lived up to its billing hype.

The auditorium of  KCA University was soon filled to capacity with young women and men, students at the institution who sacrificed a whole afternoon on Tuesday to come and partake of the wisdom that Rabbit  and his crew was dropping.

But before he did a single one of his well known songs, Rabbit was basically the MC, presiding over a  fairly spontaneous town hall free for all where the  participants held forth on a range of political and current affairs issues. Happening on the day after the televised Kenyan presidential debates the KCA students expressed their candidate opinions on the issues  or rather non issues framing the  2013 election campaign.  A young aspirant described his harrowing experience of being harassed and intimidated by deep pocketed big wig aspirants to drop out as a candidate during the  recent political  party primaries. Several speakers testified how the debate had made them SWITCH their vote.Others exhorted their fellow youth that if they were PLANNING TO VOTE ALONG TRIBAL LINES, then they should not even bother to show up on March  4th  election day. The discussion was very rich in content and punctuated by intelligent insights and  peppered with humour and good will.

Just before Rabbit took the stage to bring the house down with an electrifying accapella rendition of his poetry and a musically flavoured performance of his hits, the organizers who had invited me to the event as a  guest speaker, welcomed Onyango Oloo to make a short address to the audience

Needless to say Rabbit aka Kaka Sungura's stellar performance was the MAIN REASON why the students had waited patiently for over three hours:

Kaka Sungura is a young  Kenyan isionary spouting  wisdom and ideological clarity through his insightful lyrics. He is very much grounded in his experiences as an ordinary Kenyan growing up with all the trials and tribulations of the Nairobi where the majority of the city dwellers are to be found- not in the posh petit bourgeois enclaves of Lavington, Hurlingham, Loresho, Kilimani and Kileleshwa but in the gritty every day realities of Eastliegh, Dandora, Kangemi, Mwiki, Kaloleni, Riruta, Jericho, Jerusalem, Ofafa Maringo, Mbotela,  Mukuru, Kibera and Kawangware.

Kudos to this young genius who follows in the tradition of Kalamashaka, Ukoo Fulani, Do Klan Revolution, Angel and Sinpare.

Please read this fascinating interview which was carried in the Buzz magazine insert in the  February 17, 2013 edition of the Sunday Nation:

Onyango Oloo
Nairobi, Kenya

Wednesday, February 06, 2013

Who Will Oloo Vote for in 2013?

 Onyango Oloo Makes A Reckless Digital Prediction:

I want to join all the political clairvoyants, marabouts, waganga and sooth sayers.

Everyone has an opinion about who will become the fourth president of the republic of Kenya.

Why should DAVID Onyango Oloo be left out-especially since my name sake GEORGE Onyango Oloo, the high profile Secretary General of TNA is already 100% sure that Uhuru Kenyatta will win by a landside and Mutahi Ngunyi declared that the Jubilee Alliance locked it up way back on December 18, 2012 at the formal conclusion of the Kenya voter registration exercise?

The pollsters-Ipsos Synovate, Infotrack, Strategic Research etc- believe it is too close to call.

I do not think it is too close so I will call it right now, on Wednesday, February 6, 2013:

CORD-the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy- will win the Presidential race by 53% of the vote, sealing the matter in the FIRST ROUND.

Who will I be voting for?

Raila Amolo Odinga of course.

Many social media aficionados-especially those rabid, almost deranged ODM supporters are most likely astonished by this pronouncement from yours truly.

My orange clad friends, I  hope, for your own sakes that you do not suffer from a massive heart attack, leading to your early, untimely and completely unnecessary demise before you line up to vote on March 4, 2013 as a result of my almost premature projection of the winner almost a month before the actual polls.

Let me get down on my knees right now and pray for you-even though I am normally a very secular guy who is hardly seen anywhere near a place of worship.

But I can see where you are coming from.

I hear many of you muttering and nattering:

Is this not the SAME Onyango Oloo who was the MC at Miguna Miguna's controversial book launch  this last July? Is he NOT the same Onyango Oloo who defended Miguna's right to freedom of conscience, expression, association and assembly tooth and nail? The same Oloo who was dodging baying mobs in Kisumu and Mombasa violently disrupting the Peeling Back the Mask book tour?

Is this not the same Onyango Oloo who just a few days ago blogged thus:

 Over the last three weeks however, Kenyans have been transfixed by the shenanigans seeping out of the quixotic, shambolic, some would say idiotic travesty, of the so-called party primaries to pick the nominees for parliament and various county assembly slots. This is not the place to rehash this embarrassing litany of pre-election grand larceny, fraud and violent-prone weeding out process which has seen  genuine winners wake up in shock to discover that unscrupulous  big party wigs replaced their names at the very last minute with those of opponents they had  convincingly  vanquished during the nomination process.

The biggest culprits have been the two main formations- the ODM dominated Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (CORD) and the TNA  spear headed constellation of like minded parties including their principal partner URP all coming together under the aegis of the Jubilee Alliance...

Let me CONFIRM that I am the very same individual.

So, why on earth will the very same Onyango Oloo be voting for Raila Odinga in 2013?

Because FIVE YEARS ago, I voted for Raila and  my vote DID NOT COUNT.

Mwai Kibaki and his PNU co-plotters who perpetrated that  notorious  2007 coup plot stole my right along with millions of other compatriots, to choose our leaders.

But the MAIN REASON why I will be voting for Raila Odinga is because it is my patriotic duty as a consistent democrat and reformer to do exactly that.

 In 2002, Kenyans overwhelmingly voted for Mwai Kibaki as the surest way to bring down the 39 year old dictatorship of Moi and KANU. I was among the millions of Kenyans who felt the urge to exercise this democratic right even though at the time I was marooned in Montreal, Quebec, thousands of miles across the Atlantic Ocean from my east African homeland. We all knew that Kibaki-he of the razor blade and the KANU mugumo tree- was an arch conservative who had served Moi for over a decade as a loyal Vice President. The ushering in of the NARC regime, with all its contradictions, was NECESSARY for our country to break the log jam occasioned by the living nightmare of the KANU kleptocracy, first presided over by Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, followed by his protégé/mentee  despot, Daniel arap Moi.

The last ten years of Kibaki's rule has been punctuated by Anglo-Leasing, the consolidation of a selfish  navel gazing, ethno-class  narco-comprador cabal-and of course, the Thika Super Highway, and should I add, the  2010 Constitution. Some of these achievements can not be entirely gifted to Kibaki's so called far reaching statesmanesque acumen because the specific historical, material, political and socio-economic conditions facilitated these progressive milestones. As Kibaki retreats to his dacha in Othaya he leaves behind a mixed legacy deserving of praise and also not devoid of harsh critiques.

To get to the next level, we need to bring in a team which has a modicum of  reformist credentials in fighting for democracy and social change in contemporary Kenya.

That team is NOT called the Jubilee Alliance- a motley crew of KANU throwbacks like Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto and two faced sell outs like Charity Ngilu.

And that team is certainly NOT the Amani Coalition fronted by  the wishy washy perpetual  waffler Wycliffe Musalia Mudavadi and backed "kwa hali na mali" by the retired  billionaire state robber Daniel arap Moi.

Now strictly speaking, CORD is nothing to write home about-especially when we rewind the shambolic party primaries just concluded. Kalonzo Musyoka is no Nelson Mandela. Moses Wetangula is not Thomas Sankara and Raila Odinga is not Vladimir Lenin.

This Onyango Oloo has NEVER BEEN a member of ODM, always and forever loyal  to my tiny but ideologically principled party, the SDP.

Let us not expect a new dawn in Kenya come March 4th. In fact the long day and night of neo-colonial misery will persist for a while.  The drug lords and narco-traffickers bankrolling some of CORD's activities will graduate into Governors, Senators and Members of Parliament.

I have very  low expectations of a CORD regime.

So why on earth, am I casting my lot with these folks?

It is because I am a student of history and politics.

And I am an adherent of dialectics and historical materialism.

What  the heck am I  yammering and jabbbering about?

Please bear with me, O impatient reader or browser, whatever the case may be.

Here is where I am coming from:

In the 1950s the Kenya Land and Freedom Army led by Field Marshall Dedan Kimathi wa Waciuri spearheaded the Mau Mau War for National Independence which led to flag independence on  December 12, 1963.

Mzee Kenyatta promptly BETRAYED the aspirations of  the freedom fighters and helped usher in neocolonialism.

In April 1966, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga broke away from KANU and created the opposition Kenya People's Union which was crushed by the state on October 29, 1969  when Jaramogi and his KPU comrades were flung into the dungeons of detention after their party was proscribed.

Throughout the 1970s,1980s and  1990s, a  whole generation of more  militant, left wing patriots like Ngugi wa Thiong'o, Edward Oyugi, Alamin Mazrui, Willy Mutunga, Maina wa Kinyatti,  Micere Mugo, Njeri Kabeberi, Mwandawiro Mghanga, Oduor Ongwen, Wafula Buke, Adongo Ogony to name but a few and  progressive democrats like Raila Odinga, Martin Shikuku, George Anyona, James Orengo, Gitobu Imanyara, Paul Muite, Chibule wa Tsuma, Mwashengu Mwachofi,  Mtumishi Kathangu, Abuya Abuya, Timothy Njoya, Henry Okullu, Alexander Muge, David Gitari, Wangari Maathai and others carried high the mwenge, the torch of our national democratic movement. These strivings  contributed to the crescendo which  culminated in the massive NARC victory of December 2002.

The NARC regime which disappointed Kenyans by not delivering on the promise of a democratic constitution nevertheless presided over the  relative opening of democratic space between 2003 and 2007.

Even the lame duck Grand Coalition Government, the result of a shot gun marriage between two bitter rivals, can be credited with  serving as a conduit for Kenyans to promulgate the  2010 Constitution.

Kenya needs to get to the next level.

We will not be taken to that next level by a pair of  desperate Moi era politicians who have the added burden of being among the four Kenyans due to go on trial in a far off European court  to answer charges of  being  among those bearing the greatest responsibility for serious crimes against humanity perpetrated during the tumultous post-election violence between half a decade ago.

They simply do NOT QUALIFY as  reliable stewards of that new political dispensation under the aegis of our new constitution which at least one of them actively and bitterly opposed a couple of years ago.

So basically for now, we are STUCK with Raila Odinga and CORD.

Among the presidential candidates on offer, Raila is  the most  well placed to attempt that journey of taking us to that new place in Kenya's history.

Let me reprise some words I wrote  in a blog in 2011 when my good friend Miguna Miguna was at the height of his fractious feud with the outgoing Prime Minister:

Now when it comes to the vuta-nikuvute between Raila Odinga and Miguna Miguna, what is the nature of the contradictions?

Are these antagonistic or non-antagonistic?

In my private, one on one conversations with Miguna, I have argued that the tensions, hostilities and conflicts between the duo are NON-ANTAGONISTIC.

I have argued that those of us who are part of the progressive camp in Kenya are on THE SAME SIDE WITH RAILA AMOLO ODINGA.

I have argued that whatever misgivings we have about the Prime Minister, we cannot wily nilly EXPEL HIM FROM THE REFORM CAMP.

Is EVERYBODY in the Kenyan reform camp a card carrying Communist?

Clearly not.

Some of us are socialists, some are social democrats. Many are liberals and dozens upon dozens are nationalists and sincere women and men of faith (Christian, Muslims, Hindus etc), well meaning decent Kenyan citizens who do not care much about ideological distinctions and what not.


What is that binding glue?

At the moment I would posit that ANY KENYAN who genuinely believes in the Kenyan Constitution and works strenuously for its faithful implementation is in the PROGRESSIVE and REFORMIST CAMP.

Note: I did NOT say “revolutionary”.

Does my above definition of progressive Kenyans in the REFORM CAMP include or exclude Miguna Miguna?

Does it include or exclude Raila Odinga?

Those are rhetorical questions.

I could give you MORE reasons why I will be voting for the CORD ticket but I think the above suffices for now.

Now let me turn to other matters because I am writing this digital essay directly  into my blog, sitting at a cyber cafe in downtown Nairobi on a mid week late afternoon, a cyber cafe which is eating my shillings minute by minute. I will post it directly on several  Kenyan oriented online forums, mailing lists and discussion groups without proof reading and only come back to edit it hours later after this piece has been brutally and viciously savaged by assorted cyberhounds in online fora, blogosphere and twitter twilight word, anonymous and not so anonymous.

Unlike other pundits, Onyango Oloo does NOT think that this is a "close" or a "tight" race which will be decided  by a run off.

No, no, no.

To quote the unfortunate Wycliffe Musalia Mudavadi, this match is being decided within the  full 90 minutes. It will not even be going to injury time.

But about the polls?


From Ipsos Synovate, Infotrack, Strategic Research, Octopus, the lot...

To that I say, polls, shmolls!

I agree with those politicians who are saying that the polls are NOT accurate.

Only in the sense that these forecasts are UNDERESTIMATING the margin of CORD's victory over the Jubilee Alliance.

Why do I say that?
1. Over the next two and a  half weeks, the undecided will shrink to almost 0%.
2. Mudavadi's supporters are going to DESERT  HIM in droves.
3. In the Rift Valley within William Ruto's Kalenjin base, voters will overwhelmingly vote in URP candidates as Governors, Senators, MPs, Women's Representatives and County Reps. But when it comes to the Presidential vote, BECAUSE William Ruto is NOT the  top of the Jubilee ticket, as many as 40% to 45%  of URP supporters will  pause before that booth before marking the ballot in secret for Raila Odinga.
4. Contrary to what Mutahi Ngunyi is positing, as many as 50% of the voters in the Meru region will vote for CORD. And within the  former Central Province, Raila/Kalonzo may garner up to  10% of the vote.
5. Sadly the "41 Against 1" formula may return to bite Jubilee in the derriere especially given the crass way people like the TNA Chair Sakaja and TNA pundit Mutahi Ngunyi are crowing  triumphant about how  the Jubilee Alliance locked away the  victory on  December 18, 2012 by  targeting the two populous blocs, the Agikuyu and Kalenjin cluster.
Now where did Onyango Oloo get all these  insights?

I could go into a lot of detailed explanations but to cut a long story short let me end thus:

Last night as I was fast asleep in the Eastlands working class section of Nairobi, some fleeting ethereal extra terrestrial being clad in Kenyan colours and  strumming on a nyatiti and pounding on an  ohangla drum appeared to me and told me to reveal these things to a disbelieving Kenyan public.


I have cited my source.

  I cannot, for the life of  me,  trace HIM/HER.

And oops, they forgot to leave  behind their cell number, email address or twitter account details.

Onyango Oloo
Nairobi, Kenya
17:05 PM East African Standard Time

Friday, February 01, 2013

From Last to First:The Economics of Rigging, Kenya 2013

A Digital  Essay by Onyango Oloo in Nairobi

2013 is supposed to be Kenya's big year.

In March, the country is slated to conduct a historic election exercise, the first to be held under the auspices of the Kenyan Constitution passed and promulgated in August 2010 after a very fractious referendum campaign.

The document has been hailed in many quarters-inside and outside Kenya- as one of the most far reaching national governance documents produced in Africa by Africans, rivaling the South African one and comparing  favourably with some of the well regarded constitutions around the world.

Slightly over 14 million registered voters are expected to elect their  fourth president, a  290 member National Assembly; 47 Governors, 47 Senators and a slew of women representatives and county representatives to form the back bone of the two tiered national and county government structure.

The largest  blobs of ink have been split in the media feeding frenzy speculating whether it will be the flag bearer of the Jubilee Coalition- Uhuru Kenyatta and his running mate William Ruto-or the CORD alliance fronted by Raila Odinga and his putative deputy Kalonzo Musyoka who will wrest the privilege of snoring in the State House.

Over the last three weeks however, Kenyans have been transfixed by the shenanigans seeping out of the quixotic, shambolic, some would say idiotic travesty, of the so-called party primaries to pick the nominees for parliament and various county assembly slots. This is not the place to rehash this embarrassing litany of pre-election grand larceny, fraud and violent-prone weeding out process which has seen  genuine winners wake up in shock to discover that unscrupulous  big party wigs replaced their names at the very last minute with those of opponents they had  convincingly  vanquished during the nomination process.

The biggest culprits have been the two main formations- the ODM dominated Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (CORD) and the TNA  spear headed constellation of like minded parties including their principal partner URP all coming together under the aegis of the Jubilee Alliance.

In Siaya County  in  the always restive western Kenya region for instance, a  forty something  rank outsider- the  technocrat and businessman William Oduol-defied threats from well-connected individuals perching  at the top of the  ODM hierarchy to convincingly trounce Dr.Oburu Oginga, the  elder brother of  the  popular and  influential  Prime Minister Raila Odinga. When it was clear, in the face of a heated and  angry public  outcry that it would be near impossible to impose Oburu on Siaya County voters as a Governor in waiting, the ODM  electoral board  opted for a most unsolomonic verdict-bar the loser Oburu as WELL AS THE WINNER William Oduol. Shell shocked supporters of the latter were too traumatized to contemplate that ODM-which had propelled Kenya into a near total  civil unrest scenario in  2007 when Mwai Kibaki and his fascist, tribal PNU storm troopers unleashed their notorious  civilian coup; these  angry Siaya voters could hardly believe that ODM, their party of choice which they proudly defended come hailstorm or tsunami, had the  nerve, the gall , the cheek and the temerity to degenerate to this abysmal level of crude  electoral tinkering and tampering. There  was  similar outrage about the ODM electoral board decision to hand direct  nominations to politicians like Jakoyo Midiwo,  Anyang' Nyong'o, Edward Yinda,  Otieno Kajwang', James Rege, Ayiech Olweny and other  party  super heavyweights who had been walloped at the ballot box by little known light  fly weights.

In Kilifi County,  Nicholas Mrima Wanyepe, a tenacious, courageous  veteran social justice activist who has made his name  in land rights campaigns and other matters revolving around historic injustice affecting the indigenous people at the Kenyan coast triumphed over a  crowded field including the outgoing MP to clinch the ODM nomination for the Kilifi South parliamentary seat. His  name was included in the list of  ODM winners published in the newspapers on at least three separate occasions. But in a dastardly middle of the night criminal inversion, ODM handed the certificate to the third place loser! Mr.Wanyepe got a last minute reprieve when he secured a 13th hour certificate from  junior CORD affiliate TIP led by maverick former legislator (who also made his mark as a  land rights campaigner in Kibwezi) Kalembe Ndile.

The primary chaos in ODM was replicated in  the TNA vehicle of presidential candidate Uhuru  Kenyatta and to a lesser extent, William  Ruto's URP.

It is still unclear as I keyboard these lines on February 1, 2013,what will be the impact of these acts of blatant thievery from within these parties come the dreaded March 4th date with  Kenyan electoral destiny.

Will ODM, TNA and URP experience a major back lash as their base supporters work day and night to shame these parties by ensuring the primary winners  like William Oduol and George Omondi Maluan(who won the ODM Alego Usonga parliamentary primary by a  staggering 19,189 votes only to see the third place loser and Oburu confidant Edward Yinda handed the certificate) in Siaya County or Nicholas Mrima Wanyepe in Kilifi South  romp to  parliament defying the sordid board room elite pacting within ODM? Who will prevail between  Ali Hassan Joho and Suleiman Shabhal? Will  Uhuru  and Ruto be similarly punished? Ironically it would  appear, at least on the face of it, that Kalonzo Musyoka's Wiper Democratic Movement, in comparison to the other big  parties, conducted their  primary nominations in  a relatively, open, free and fair peaceful manner.

Currently there is a push among all these big political rivals and simultaneous elite cousins to massage, stage manage and soothe the bitter wails of disappointment from their own rank and file about the scandalous and outrageous manner in which they chose their nominees. In ODM for example, one way of manufacturing consent is through the perfidious Orange House propaganda campaign positing that those who really won were allegedly TNA plants or devious agents bank rolled by the National Security Intelligence Service, recently renamed NIS- a statutory body which ultimately reports to the two principals of the 2008-2013 Grand Coalition Government. One of those principals is ODM head honcho Raila Odinga. This tepid conspiracy theory, this thread bare urban legend is so comical in that  it evokes some of  the most outlandish charges placed by the Moi-KANU dictatorship of  yore which routinely  branded its  opponents as "traitors" and "dissidents" in  the "pay of  foreign masters". No serious observers and analysts of Kenyan contemporary political discourse can digest this  freshly manufactured sample of  odious pseudo ideological manure, acting as a desperate fig leaf to camouflage the nakedness of the greedy cabal striving to act as the exclusive gate keepers of the emerging political dispensation in Kenya.

What is likely to happen, given the high stakes in these  elections, especially the Presidential contest, is that the base of CORD and Jubilee will turn out in huge numbers voting as a bloc to ensure that their favourites come out as the ultimate victors. Even the most  errant iconoclasts in  ODM for example, like William Oduol are loudly proclaiming their fealty and abject loyalty to Raila Odinga. At the height of the primaries fiasco when independent and friendly political parties approached some of these  candidates who were eventually rigged out, offering a soft landing in the form of a direct nomination on a non-ODM party ticket, the stance of most of these candidates was to reject out of hand these solidarity parachutes  to the ballot box, angrily dismissing the notion of running on  a political outfit which was "not CORDED". So CORD supporters will rally behind Raila while Jubilee adherents will line up in droves to vote for Uhuru.

It will be a very different story in the gubernatorial, senatorial, parliamentary and county level contests come March  4th. Imposed candidates will be REJECTED with a vengeance by an infuriated electorate, especially in Nyanza. Let me predict that in Gem constituency where my ancestral home is, the voters are likely to punish Jakoyo Midiwo by electing  Engineer Booker Ngesa Omole, the youthful National Organizing Secretary for the small, but ideologically clear Social Democratic Party.  In Alego Usonga, Wiper Democratic Movement will elect their first ever MP in Nyanza if George Omondi Maluan's name appears on the ballot paper. And it is a no-brainer that William Oduol, running on a National Agenda ticket will win by a landslide to become the first  Governor of Siaya County. Bishop Margaret Wanjiru  is likely to lose to Jubilee's Mike Sonko in the Nairobi senatorial contest partly because of a quiet INTERNAL boycott by a section of ODM supporters due to the way in which the ODM leadership brazenly and cynically snatched the nomination certificate from Elizabeth Ongoro on crude TRIBAL grounds.

As I write this essay, it is in the public domain that Raila Odinga is planning a trip  commencing on Monday, February 4, 2013 to Siaya and other parts of Nyanza to try to mollify his peeved supporters. Will his fabled magic wand work wonders this time around as it  did during the Ndhiwa by-elections of late 2012 where his last minute emotive  direct appeal won  over a skeptical electorate who knew that Neto Agostinho had been rigged in?

Who knows?

Let me step away  from the  glare of the crystal ball for a moment to examine another important facet of the shambolic primaries fiasco.

The question  I want to answer is the following:

Why did all these parties-ODM, TNA, URP, FORD-Kenya, UDF and others so shameless  rig their own primary nominations, recklessly eliminating their strongest candidates?

Kenyan voters are as perplexed the way hard core soccer aficionados would react to the news that Cote d'Ivoire decided to bench their star attraction Didier Drogba on the eve of the finals of the Africa Cup of Nations or Barcelona's head coach instructed Lionel Messi to stay at home on the morning of the UEFA Cup ultimate face off. Fans of Manchester United can insert the name of Robin Van Persie and those of Arsenal that of Theo Walcott  if they so wish. Yes,  frenetic and frantic NBA cult followers in the United States can go as far as dragging the names of  Le Bron James, Kobe Bryant and  Dwayne Howard if they are feeling left out.

This seeming conundrum, which  on its face, appears to jostle with Rubik's Cube as one of the toughest puzzles to crack has a straight forward answer once  you switch your mental television from the political channel to the economics one. Krisantha Sri Bhaggiyadata, a Colombo born Sri-Lankan-Canadian comrade and ideological mentor of mine told me in Toronto about twenty years ago that if one wanted to understand  current affairs and political dynamics one had to first skip the front page headlines and go to the inside pages of  the business section of the newspapers.

What was the reason behind the massive rigging at the just concluded primaries by the major Kenyan political parties?

First read the following excerpts from various media outlines available in the PUBLIC DOMAIN before I advance my argument further:

Excerpt Number One:

Industry leaders cautiously upbeat with all eyes on Kenya
Foreign direct investments (FDI) in the region is expected to grow in 2013 as investors eye opportunities in infrastructure development, oil and gas exploration and the consumer sector.

Key economic drivers for 2013

    ENERGY: Investments in power generation will peak in 2013 as EAC members pursue different power generation projects ranging from geothermal in Kenya, to gas in Tanzania and hydro-generation in Uganda.
    CONSUMERISM : Income levels in the region are rising and this means there are opportunities in the consumer sector, especially with an expanded middle class.
    EXTRACTIVE INDUSTRY: Sustained investment promotion and discovery of oil in Kenya and Uganda, expansive gas deposits in Tanzania and commercially viable gold deposits in Kenya.
    INTEGRATION: FDI inflows will be boosted by the maturing EAC integration further lowering the barriers to intra-regional trade, enabling businesses to access a larger pool of consumers.

Business leaders in East Africa are placing their bets on an improved economic environment in the region in the coming year, cautiously optimistic that lower inflation and stable currencies could help reverse the troubles of a not so good 2012.

But for Kenya, uncertainty around the March 4 General Election could slow growth in the first quarter, with fears that a disputed election result could spark violence that could impact neighbouring countries as it did in 2007-2008, disrupting regional supplies.

According to business executives and economic analysts who spoke to The EastAfrican, foreign direct investments (FDI) in the region is expected to grow in 2013 as investors eye opportunities in infrastructure development, oil and gas exploration and the consumer sector.

Most recent reports by FDI Intelligence, a division of the Financial Times and United Nations Conference on Trade and Development indicated that FDI inflows in EAC will continue to increase. The reports indicated that countries like Kenya are now attracting more FDI thanks to sustained investment promotion and discovery of oil and commercially variable gold deposits.

Excerpt  Number Two:

TransCentury to reap profit from Tullow Oil plans

The UK firm is one of the major clients of Civicon, a firm in which TransCentury is majority shareholder.

 TransCentury is the majority shareholder of Civicon, an engineering and logistics company that counts Tullow Oil among its major clients.

Listed investment company TransCentury’s share price has got a boost from UK exploration firm Tullow Oil’s announcement of a planned increase in prospecting activity this year.

TransCentury is the majority shareholder of Civicon, an engineering and logistics company that counts Tullow Oil among its major clients.

Tullow Oil’s exploration plans in the region are expected to directly benefit TransCentury through growth in Civicon’s profitability.

“TransCentury rose on foreign investor buying on a day that Tullow and Africa Oil provided an operational update on their Turkana County operations,” noted Standard Investment Bank in a research note released on Friday.

“TransCentury owns a 62 per cent stake in Civicon, whose key clients include Tullow and Lake Turkana Wind Power Project.

The Lake Turkana project involves construction of up to 300 turbines to create what is billed as the biggest wind power project in Africa, with a capacity to produce up to 300 megawatts of electricity.

Monday the stock closed at Sh24 each, 1.1 per cent higher than Thursday’s closing price before the Tullow statement which was released on Friday.

“Following the discovery of a major new oil basin in Kenya with the first two exploration wells, up to 11 further exploration and appraisal wells are planned in Kenya and Ethiopia in 2013 as detailed in the exploration drilling schedule,” said Tullow Oil in the Friday statement.

Standard Investment Bank said that increased drilling is expected to grow Civicon’s revenue.

Tullow Oil has begun drilling the wells, eight in Kenya and three in neighbouring Ethiopia.

Analysts said that it costs between $50 million (Sh4.3 billion) and $100 million (Sh8.6 billion) to drill a well. Most of the money goes to costs of actual drilling, but opportunities abound in haulage and constructing access roads.

“The sites may not be well serviced by a road and when doing exploration you still need to transport equipment,” said Eric Musau, a research analyst at Standard Investment Bank.

Excerpt Number Three:

TransCentury top owners cut stake after 2011 IPO

Joseph Magari sold 1,041,225 shares, Eddy Njoroge sold 3 million shares, Zeph Mbugua sold 325,582 shares and Anne Gichuhi sold 1 million shares.

The founders of TransCentury have sold more than five million shares worth nearly Sh130 million, marking the first stock sale since the investment firm listed at the Nairobi Securities Exchange in July 2011.

Filings with the Capital Markets Authority (CMA) show that Eddy Njoroge, KenGen’s outgoing managing director, sold three million shares in a move that cut his stake in the firm to 4.54 per cent at the end of November, from 5.63 per cent in December 2011.

Anne Gachui — the widow of businessman James Gachui — sold one million shares, cutting the family’s stake to 7.79 per cent in November, from 8.16 per cent in December 2011.

The family, however, remains the largest investor in TransCentury with shares worth Sh501.7 million.

Former Treasury permanent secretary Joseph Magari sold 1,041,225 shares while the chairman of East African Cables, businessman Zeph Mbugua, sold 325,582 shares. But the two maintained their position among TransCentury’s top 10 shareholders.

The transactions occurred in a period when the investments firm’s share price averaged about Sh24.1 a piece, meaning that Mr Njoroge pocketed an estimated Sh72.3 million, Mr Magari earned Sh25 million, Mrs Gachui Sh24.1 million and Mr Mbugua earned Sh7.65 million.

The regulator barred key shareholders of the investment firm from selling more than half their stakes within two years to August 2013 as part of conditions attached to the listing of the firm in July 2011.

Its other key shareholders include Michael Waweru, the former commissioner General of Kenya Revenue Authority, Jimnah Mbaru (chairman of Dyer and Blair) and businessman Peter Kanyago, all known to be close associates of President Kibaki.

“As a sign of commitment to the growth of the company and confidence in the long-term fundamentals, key shareholders have agreed not to offload 50 per cent of their shareholding for a period of 24 months after the listing,” TransCentury said in its listing information memorandum.

The share sale of the top shareholders has cut the stake controlled by the top 10 investors to 55.3 per cent in November from 57.3 per cent in December.

TransCentury’s share price has more than halved since its debut at the NSE to Sh23.50 compared to the listing offer price of Sh50.

The stock has shed 13.7 per cent in the past one year, making it the worst performing counter among its peers in the investment segment at the NSE.

Olympia Capital’s share price gained 6.25 per cent last year to Sh3.40 while Centum Investment lost 8.52 per cent to Sh12.4 in the year that saw the benchmark market index gain 28.95 per cent.

City Trust was the best performer on the counter after gaining 39.2 per cent to Sh390, helped by news of its planned merged with I&M Bank.

TransCentury’s half- year net profit rose five-fold to Sh326 million in June compared to Sh54 million the year before, as sales jumped 56 per cent to Sh7 billion from Sh4.5 billion.

READ: TransCentury half-year net profit jumps six-fold

The company was founded in 1997 by a group of Kenyan entrepreneurs, including its former chairman James Gachui who passed on in December 2010.

Initially fashioned as an investment club, the company had raised Sh29 million in seed capital by 2001, which was used to make passive investments at the NSE and buy a minority stake in Castle Brewing Limited, which it exited in 2002 when the brewer’s parent firm SAB Miller pulled out of the local market.

Excerpt Number Four:
   Operations of  Africa Oil Corporation (Canada) in Kenya

Corporate Profile
Africa Oil Corp.
Africa Oil Corp. is a Canadian oil and gas company with assets in Kenya, Ethiopia and Mali as well as Puntland (Somalia) through its 45% equity interest in Horn Petroleum Corporation.

The Company's shares are listed on the TSX Venture Exchange under the symbol "AOI" and on the NASDAQ OMX First North Exchange under the symbol "AOI".

Africa Oil Corp.
Suite 2000 - 885 West Georgia Street
Vancouver, British Columbia
Canada V6C 3E8

Telephone: (604) 689-7842
Fax: (604) 689-4250

Corporate History

Africa Oil Corp. was incorporated under the Company Act (British Columbia) on March 29, 1983 under the name "Canmex Minerals Corporation" with an authorized capital of 100,000,000 common shares. On July 2, 1999 the issued and outstanding shares of the Company were consolidated on a one-for-five basis

The Company and Tullow, its operating partner in each of the Kenyan blocks other than Block 9, are actively exploring for oil as described below.

Block 10BB
The Company and its operating partner on Block 10BB, Tullow, spudded the partnership's first well, Ngamia-1, in January 2012. The well encountered in excess of 100 meters of net oil pay in multiple reservoir zones over a gross interval of 650 meters of the Upper Lokhone Sandstone interval (855 meters to 1,500 meters). The reservoirs are composed of good quality Tertiary age sandstones. Moveable oil with an API greater than 30 degrees has been recovered to surface from four representative intervals. This oil has similar properties to the light waxy crude which has been discovered in Uganda by Tullow. After testing and evaluation of the Upper Lokhone pay zones, the well was drilled through the Lower Lokhone Sandstone interval and encountered an additional 43 meters of potential oil pay based on logs and the recovery of light oil on an MDT sample over a gross interval of 150 meters. The well was drilled to a total depth of 2,340 meters after penetrating the Lower Lokhone objective sequence. The well is now suspended for future flow testing. Testing equipment, including downhole pumps, is being mobilized and the intention is to flow test a number of prospective zones in the Upper and Lower Lokhone Sandstones to confirm the full potential of this discovery. Testing of Ngamia-1 will follow completion of operations on the Twiga South-1 well.

The positive results of the Ngamia-1 well have led the Company and its operating partner to accelerate the pace of exploration activities along the Ngamia-1 trend in Block 10BB and adjacent Block 13T. In 2012, the Company and its partner elected to accelerate an additional 1,783 kilometers of 2D seismic in Block 10BB which is approximately 50% complete. In 2013, the Company also plans to acquire 300 square kilometers of 3D seismic over the Ngamia structure and an additional 430 kilometers of 2D seismic to further delineate additional prospects and leads. A follow-up well on the Ngamia structure is also being planned for 2013 along with one or two additional wells within the block.

The drilling of the Ngamia-1 well satisfied the remaining work obligations of the initial exploration period under the Block 10BB PSC. The partnership elected to proceed into the next phase of exploration and have received formal government approval. The next exploration period which expires in July 2014 includes a commitment to drill one exploratory well and acquire 300 square kilometers of 3D seismic.

Block 13T
Following the Ngamia-1 discovery, the Company and its operating partner on Block 13T, Tullow, focused additional efforts to better delineate the prospects along the Ngamia-1 trend northward into Block 13T. Based upon the recently acquired 500 kilometers of 2D seismic data, at least six additional prospects similar to the Ngamia-1 discovery have been mapped in Block 13T, including the Company and its partner's next exploration well, Twiga South-1, which spud in August 2012. The Twiga South-1 well is planned to a total depth of 3,155 meters and targets the same structural trend and reservoirs as the recent Ngamia-1 oil discovery 23 kilometers to the south. Twiga South-1 has successfully encountered oil, drilling is ongoing and an announcement on the well results is expected late-November after target depth has been achieved and necessary sampling and analysis has been completed. Upon completion of Twiga South-1 operations, the rig will be utilized to conduct testing operations at Ngamia-1.

An additional 500 kilometers of 2D seismic, which has largely been acquired, in conjunction with the additional seismic acquisition in Block 10BB is aimed at maturing further leads into drillable prospects. In 2013, the Company plans to acquire 300 square kilometers of 3D seismic over the Twiga South-1 structure and an additional 90 kilometers of infill 2D seismic program.

With the completion of the original 500 kilometers of 2D seismic, the Company fully satisfied its work obligations for the initial exploration period under the Block 13T PSC. The partnership elected to proceed into the next phase of exploration and have received formal government approval. The next exploration period which expires in September 2014 includes a commitment to drill one exploratory well, which will be satisfied with the drilling of the Twiga South-1 well, and a commitment to acquire 200 square kilometers of 3D seismic.

Block 10A
The Company and its operating partners on Block 10A agreed on Paipai-1 as the location of the first exploratory well in Block 10A. The Paipai-1 well is planned to a total depth of 4,500 meters, and will test a large four-way closed structure with Cretaceous-age sandstone targets at multiple depths. Paipai-1 spudded in September 2012 and is scheduled to be completed early-2013. Paipai-1 will fully satisfy the required work obligations for the initial exploration period which was recently extended to April 2013. Following completion of Paipai-1, the rig will mobilize to Block 10BB (Kenya) to drill follow-up prospects in the Lokichar Sub-Basin in the area of the Ngamia-1 and Twiga South-1 oil discoveries.

Block 10BA
The Company and its operating partner on Block 10BA, Tullow, have completed approximately 40% of the planned 1,350 kilometer 2D seismic program in Block 10BA. The onshore portion of the survey has largely been completed and the offshore and near shore portions of the 2D program is planned to commence before year end. The 2D seismic program which is expected to be complete in the first quarter of 2013 will fulfill the work obligations of the initial exploration period under the Block 10BA PSC which expires in April 2013.

Block 12A
During the third quarter, the Company completed the farmout of 15% interest in Block 12A to Marathon Oil Corporation ("Marathon"), retaining a 20% interest in the block. Based upon the acquired FTG gravity survey, the Company and its operating partner on Block 12A, Tullow, have determined that the 500 kilometer 2D seismic acquisition obligation will be focused in the Kerio Valley in the southwestern portion of the block. The Block 12A program is scheduled to follow the completion of work in Blocks 10BB and 13T whose programs were expanded after the Ngamia-1 discovery. As a result, the Company and its partner obtained an extension of the initial exploration term to September 2013. The 500 kilometer 2D seismic program will satisfy the work obligations for the initial period under the Block 12A PSC and is expected to commence in first quarter of 2013.

Block 9
During the third quarter, the Company completed the farmout of 50% interest in Block 9 to Marathon. The Company retained a 50% interest in Block 9 and operatorship during the exploration phase. During 2011, a 750 kilometer 2D seismic program was completed. The new data was acquired over the Kaisut sub-basin in the northwestern portion of Block 9. Based upon the new data set, several large prospects have been mapped and resources have been estimated. The Company is currently planning to drill an exploratory well in mid-2013 that will satisfy the remaining exploration commitment for the second exploration period which expires in December 2013. The potential to drill a second well in 2013 is being evaluated.

Excerpt Number Five:

Check out Chapters 11 and 12 and the Fourth Schedule in Kenya Constitution (2010) available at the following link:


Answer to the question: Why Did The Political Parties Rig Their Primaries in January 2013?

Because they want to implement DEVOLUTION in the coming dispensation. Not devolution of governance or  popular participation of course.

Heavens  forbid!

Banish that thought!

The "devolution" they want to implement is the  DEVOLUTION OF CORRUPTION. The regionalization and privatization of LOOTING and PLUNDER of natural, national and public resources using the conduits of POWER at the National and County levels.

While the big honchos carve out resources and finances at the national level, their cronies, acolytes, family members, lovers, mistresses, gigolos and fellow gangsters at the county level add to the swag.

Check out how many DRUG DEALERS, MONEY LAUNDERERS, CON MEN, THIEVES and shady characters are slated to be Governor this, Senator that, MP so and so and County Representative this and that in April 2013. Go to Nairobi. Visit Kiambu. Pass through Makueni, Bomet, Nandi, Kwale, Lamu. Travel to Kisumu.Fly down to Mombasa. Examine their connections to the LEADING PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES.

Are these shady underworld figures reputed to be among the MAJOR FINANCIERS of their respective parties?

Yes or No?


Before I come to my VERY LAST AND  VERY LOOONG EXCERPT,  the following link may be of some interest:

And for those who think  this cannot happen in Kenya,  I will reproduce VERBATIM a  long report shared online on February 1, 2013 by one Kenyan comrade Zahid Rajan:

Hi there, anyone with links to Kenya should read this

An interesting article for anyone interested.

Julian Assange

You may well be interested in the leaking of the Kroll Report on the Moi family wealth and where it came from.

The curse.

Kenya lost a generation - 24 years - under the rule of the incompetent dictator of Kenya, arap Moi, who had torture chambers built in the centre of Nairobi . He ruined the country and stole public land everywhere he could. He stole all the money in the Central Bank. He brought Kenya to its knees.
He still has the nerve to open his mouth to advise Kenyans on what is good for them.

Julian Assange

The looting of Kenya under President Moi
From WikiLeaks >

President Daniel arap Moi, seen here walking through a guard of honnor
The breathtaking extent of corruption perpetrated by the family of the former Kenyan leader Daniel Arap Moi is revealed in a secret report which lays bare a web of shell companies, secret trusts and frontmen used to steal over two billion dollars worth of state money.
The suppressed U.K auditor's report details how Kenyan state finances were laundered across the world to buy properties and companies in London , New York and South Africa and even a 10,000 hectare ranch in Australia .
The countries involved in the corrupt dealings include Australia, Belgium, Brunei, Canada, Finland, Germany, Grand Cayman, Israel, Italy, Japan, Jersey, Liechtenstein, Liberia, Luxembourg, Malawi, Namibia, the Netherlands, Puerto Rico, Russia, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Switzerland, the UAE, Uganda, the United Kingdom, the United States and Zaire.
The intricately detailed report, commissioned by President Kibaki after his 2002 election victory but later suppressed, forensically investigates corrupt transactions and holdings by several powerful members of the Kenyan elite.
The sums are comparable in magnitude to the looting of infamous kleptocrats such as Mobutu ( Zaire ), Marcos ( Philippines ), Abacha ( Nigeria ), Suharto ( Indonesia ) and Fujimori ( Peru ). The leaked material is extremely politically sensitive. Ex-President Moi has become a key player in political life in Kenya , and is now an essential pillar in President Kibaki's campaign for re-election in December 2007.

KTM report> - on-line edition, unproofed
KTM report.pdf (file info page)> - authoritative original, 4Mb of scanned printed pages
Verification status
Media contacts
See Media Kit>
Additional media contacts
Transparency International> , Mars Group Kenya> and> (Kroll won't comment on the record)
August 30, 2007 (last updated September 9, 2007)
Wikileaks' staff>
In December 2002, the 24 year rule of Kenya 's President Daniel Arap Moi was ended by the election victory of Mwai Kibaki. Elected on an anti-corruption platform, it was hoped that President Kibaki would end grand corruption in Kenya> . In January 2003 Kibaki appointed John Githongo> , formerly of Transparency International> , as his personal advisor on Anti Corruption and Good Governance.[1]> One of the first anti-corruption activities of Mr. Githongo on behalf of President Kibaki was to engage Kroll & Associates (UK), a private investigation and security firm, to trace and report on what was said by Transparency International to be over 3 billion US Dollars stashed abroad, by the former President Moi and his closest associates.[2]> > >
Mwai Kibaki being sworn in as President of Kenya after his election on an anti-corruption ticket in December 2002; "Corruption will now cease to be a way of life in Kenya . I am calling upon all of you Kenyans to help the government fight corruption, as our first priority". The bible's price tag is visible.[3]> .
Close to half of Kenya 's 35 million citizens live under the UN's poverty level of 1 US dollar a day. If the restitution programme started in 2003 had been completed it would have been possible to get justice for the tens of millions of Kenyans who live in abject poverty - as the political elite live as Dollar Millionaires on the proceeds of corruption.
The leaked document, dated April 2004, is clearly self explanatory - being one of the preliminary reports received by the Government of Kenya (described in the report as the "client"). The persons stated as "Targets" are President Moi's closest associates and relatives.
Contemporaneous media coverage of the time reveals a determination by the Kibaki government to trace and seize the foreign assets of Moi's associates.[4]> However at some point in May 2004, the Kibaki government itself suffered a credibility blow when several of the President's closest advisors were implicated in a 777 million US Dollar corruption scandal known as the Anglo Leasing scandal. The fallout of this scandal resulted in the gradual sidelining and eventual exile in the UK (in January 2005) of John Githongo> after threats to his life.[5]> The anti-corruption czar had lost the support of the Kenyan President. It was at this point that the Government dropped its international asset tracing and recovery efforts. It is believed it was at this point that the Kroll Report on Moi> and his associates was suppressed.
On August 28th 2007, about 100 days before the forthcoming Presidential election, President Kibaki's re-election campaign received the formal endorsement of his predecessor, Daniel Moi.[6]> Ex-President Moi's influence over Kibaki's regime is obvious and also evidenced by his recent appointment as a Personal Peace Envoy of Kibaki to the Sudan> .[7]>
None of the assets traced and identified by Kroll have been impounded and Moi and his associates are experiencing a resurgence in political clout. Among these assets are a bank in Belgium> , hotels and residences in the USA> , UK> , South Africa> , Namibia> and as far away as Australia> , a 10% shareholding in Kenya> 's most successful telecommunications company (a joint venture with Vodafone PLC of the UK) and massive real estate and agricultural investments.
The leak which emanated from within high levels of the Kenyan> Government is motivated by the desire to demonstrate that President Kibaki has clear-cut evidence of his predecessor's corruption and complicity in corruption, and has chosen to suppress the evidence and worse still has gone into a political and economic alliance with the Moi group.
A second motivation is the sheer scale of the theft of public funds by Moi and his associates. The figures in the report run into (if added up) the billions of US Dollars - comparable in magnitude to the looting of other infamous kleptocrats such as Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire> , Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines> , Sani Abacha of Nigeria> , Suharto of Indonesia> and Alberto Fujimori of Peru> .
The leaked material is extremely politically sensitive. Ex-President Moi, a corrupt, brutal, discredited former dictator, has somehow again become a key player in political life in Kenya - so much, that he is now an essential pillar in current President Kibaki's re-election campaign. His massive financial resources are expected to be used to buy Kibaki popular support particularly in the populous Rift Valley region, which voted almost to the man against Kibaki in the last election, and in November 2005 during a constitutional referendum. The leaker thinks the re-emergence of President Moi is scandalous and must be stopped.
The leak will certainly interest the Kenyan> media, for whom this report represents a grail of sorts. Kenya 's large international press corps will also be an interested audience. With a Presidential election only a few months away, the report comes to light at a critical time.

About the report
The leaked report is 106 pages long and contains several sections: executive summary (1-10), source enquiries (11-54), business associates and front men (55-76), and appendix (77-106).[8]> The executive summary outlines the most suspicious financial transactions, properties and business links discovered in its investigation. A series of additional enquiries is proposed. The following sections proceed in intricate detail, investigating the background, 'modus operandi', business links, financial transactions, business associates, and property holdings, all around the world, of several powerful members of Kenyan society linked to Daniel arap Moi.
The report is highly verifiable. Kroll UK, Transparency International, John Githongo> , and>> , a Kenyan website that documents grand corruption incidents, are suggested for full or partial corroboration and the document appears consistent with the public record.

The leaked report's author: Kroll Associates UK Limited
Kroll Associates UK Limited is a limited liability company incorporated in England (registered number 2020412) whose registered office is at 10 Fleet Place , London , United Kingdom EC4M 7RB . Its father company Kroll Inc.> , headquartered in New York , US is a private investigation and security consulting firm founded by Jules B. Kroll in 1972. It provides corporate risk consulting services including financial advisory and investigations, identity fraud solutions, background screening, forensic accounting, bodyguard services, corporate restructuring, and security technology services. The company is now a subsidiary of Marsh & McLennan Companies who aquired it in July 2004.
The US government and the weapons industry is a major permanent contractor of Kroll Inc.[9]> .
Kroll Inc. was also responsible for security of the World Trade Center site until it was destroyed in the 9/11 terrorist attacks.
In October 2004, the Brazil offices of Kroll Inc. were raided by the police because of alleged spying activities on the government. The company was originally reported to have been hired by the Brazilian investment firm Opportunity to investigate Telecom Italia, with whom it has been battling to gain control of Brazil Telecom, one of Brazil's largest telephone companies. Other notable cases> include the corporate restructuring of Enron after its 2001 accounting scandal, the law enforcement monitoring of Los Angeles Police Department in a US federal consent decree mandating major reforms designed to end corruption and abuse.
Kroll UK has also investigated other Kenyan corruption scandals, such as the so-called Anglo-Leasing Scandal> .[10]>
Andrew Marshal
Andrew R. Marshall is chief risk officer for Business Intelligence and Investigations. He joined Kroll in 2003 and has also been head of the Emerging Markets practice in Europe, Middle East and Africa .
Mr. Marshall spent 15 years in international journalism. He was foreign editor, Washington Bureau chief and Brussels Bureau chief for The Independent newspaper between 1990 and 2000. He also worked on the foreign staff of the Financial Times and for Oxford Analytica.
He is the author, with Mathew Horsman, of After the Nation-State (HarperCollins, 1994) and has contributed to other books. He has widespread broadcasting and radio experience. [11]>
His contact details are: +44 207 029 5162,>
Secondary media based on the leak and this analysis

Mars Group Kenya, a Kenyan anti-corruption site, maintains a comprehensive page about the scandal.


Joshua Kulei >

Joshua Kulei, Former "personal assistant" to President Daniel arap Moi, on whom travel restrictions were imposed as a result of a previous corruption scandal, the Goldenberg affair.[12]>
Joshua Kulei has represented ex-president Daniel Arap Moi in over 50 companies operating in Kenya across all sectors of the economy. (page 18)
He also used banks in Luxembourg for ex-president Moi's confidential banking (page 33)
According to the report, Kulei has now relinquished all of his assets held under his name on behalf of the Moi family with the exception of ex-president Moi's flower business, The Trans-National Bank and NAS. (page 18)
Ownership of businesses

1. Trade World Kenya - 100% (page 19)
2. CFC Bank 12.5% (page 19)
3. CMC Holdings 15-20% (Client material Indicates Kulei also Nominee Director) (page 19)
4. Hotel intercontinental Nairobi 19% (page 19)
5. Sian Roses 40% (page 19)
6. Ngata Flower Farm 50% (page 19)
7. Bamburi Cement 14% (Client material Indicates Kulei also Nominee Director) (page 19)
8. KTN (page 19)
9. National Milling Company (page 19)
10. Kenya Aerotech Ltd‚ Shareholder and also Nominee Director (page 19)
11. Regent Management‚ Not Known (page 19)
12. Siginon Freight‚ 12.5%, Kabarak High School and client material Indicates Kulei also Nominee Director (page 19)

Sits on the Board of Governors for the following schools and universities

1. Sacho High School (page 21)
2. Moi High School Kabarak (page 21)
3. Sunshine Secondary School (page 21)
4. Moi Educational Centre (page 21)
5. Kabarak University Council (page 21)

Trustee of

1. Sunshine Educational Trust (page 21)

Management Board member in

1. The Moi Africa Institute Kabarnet Gardens , Nairobi (page 21)

In the UK

1. 19 Eaton Park, Cobham, Surrey KT11 2JF valued at around 4.5 million sterling pounds (page 22)
2. Flat 11 No. 49, Lowdnes Square , London , valued at 2 million sterling pounds (page 22)

In Kenya :

1. Courtyard Property Investment Ltd (page 22-23)
2. Regent Management‚ real estate holdings believed to be about 200 houses in all (page 23)
3. Lavington House (page 23)
4. Karen Residence (page 23)
5. Nakuru Residence (page 23)
6. C. Owns several unidentified properties in the United States of America (page 23)
7. D. Has property interests in South Africa (page 23)

Bank Balances (page 26)
Business Associates

1. Terrer Kulei (page 26-27)
2. Pankaj Somaia (page 27)
3. Ketan Somaia (page 27)
4. Josiah Kiplagat (page 27-28)
5. Alnoor Kassam (page 28)
6. Mr. Tum (page 28)

Gideon Moi >

Gideon Moi, son of ex-President Daniel arap Moi and a current (2007) member of the Kenyan parliament.[13]>
Ownership of businesses
Client Material indicates ownership of the following:

1. Giro Bank – Held under Asian nominee businessmen
2. Taurino Enterprises
3. As alleged by Msamaha
4. KTN (Owned Standard Newspapers) - (page 19)
5. Siginon Freight – 12.5% - (page 19)
6. Trans-National Bank - (page 19)
7. Kent ship Maritime (page 30)
8. Sielei Properties Ltd (page 30)
9. Giant Holdings Ltd (page 30)
10. Revak Ltd (page 30)
11. Sudbury Ltd (page 30)
12. Sudbury Investments (page 30)
13. Giant Forex Bureau (page 30)
14. Westfield International Ltd (page 30)
15. Chesco Ltd (page 30)
16. Hampstead Enterprises (page 30)
17. Metipso Services Ltd (page 30).
18. Maternity Shop (page 30)
19. Eagle Airlines (page 30)
20. Chemusian Company (page 30)
21. Fresh Produce Ltd (page 30)
22. Siginon Freight – 12.5% (page 30)
23. Cartrack Kenya Ltd (page 30)
24. First American Bank (page 30)
25. Equatorial Bank (page 30)
26. The Sasine Group of farms (page 30)
27. Cable Wireless (page 30)
28. The Duty Free Company (page 31)
29. Eveready Company (H. Young) (page 31)
30. Tobacco Farm in Malawi – 100% (page 31)
31. Chester House – 50 % (page 31)
32. Safaricom Kenya (together with Biwott, Charles Field Marsham) – 40% (page 31)

Source Enquiries indicate that Gideon owns the following:

1. Property ownership—Owned in Italy and Sultanate of Brunei (page 55)
2. Cut Tobacco Ltd (page 56)
3. Bank Accounts—Sultanate of Brunei (page 56)
4. Sandhurst Matrix Inc (page 56)
5. Saphire—Managed by Mr. Sevak (page 56)
6. Garlan Investments—Director — Dr. Clemente (page 56)

Preliminary results of global searches conducted under Garian investments and Sandhurst Matrix Inc have not revealed any findings. Further searches are required. (page 56)
In the UK

1. Allegedly has two properties in London held under a trust set up by Mukesh Gohil (page 31)
2. In South Africa : Owns a number of properties in South Africa . His frontman is Harbinder Singh Sethi, has 74 properties listed under closed corporations all of which are registered in his name. (page 32)


1. United Kingdom: By the year 2002, Gideon’s cash in various banks overseas amounted to 550 million sterling pounds (page 32)
2. Grand Cayman (page 32)
3. Luxembourg (page 32-33)
4. Dubai: Allen & Overy holds all of Gideon’s accounts (page 33)
5. South Africa: Has accounts in South Africa and possibly Malawi . Gideon’s frontman is Harbinder Singh Sethi (page 33)


1. Eurobank: Currently under liquidation (page 34)
2. Giro Bank: Allegedly owns Giro Bank under a front of Asian nominees (page 34)
3. Trust Bank: Under Liquidation (page 35)
4. Citibank – prime exit point for Gideon’s cash to his off-shore accounts (page 35)
5. ABN AMRO - to move illegally obtained cash emanating from corrupt deals to safe havens in off-shore accounts (page 35)
6. First American Bank: Client material suggests Naushad Merali and ex-president Moi control First American Bank (page 35)
7. SAMUT Trust: All of Gideon’s monies invested in Kenya are held by a trust called SAMUT (page 35-36)

Business Associates

1. Mukesh Gohil (page 37)
2. Harbinder Singh Sethi (page 37)
3. Joshua Orwa Ojode (page 37)
4. Jared Kamgwana (page 37)
5. Dr. Kiplagat (page 37-38)
6. Donald Kipkorir (page 38)

Nicholas Biwott >

Nichalos Biwott, a wealthy Kenyan businessman and politician, previously linked to a number of crimes and corruption scandals though never convicted.[14]>
Ownership of Businesses

1. Kobil Petrol – 100% (page 39)
2. Barsirim Investment – 100% (page 39)
3. Kiosinende Farm – 100% (page 39)
4. Rono Ltd. – 100% (page 40)
5. HZ Consrtruction and Engineering – 100% (page 40)
6. HZ Group of Companies – 100% (page 40)
7. LZ Engineering – 100% (page 40)
8. Yaya centre (worth Kshs. 3.5 billion) – 100% (page 40)
9. Premier Group of Companies – 100% (page 40)
10. Air Kenya Aviation – 100% (page 40)
11. Pete Aviation and Electronics Ltd – 100% (page 40)
12. Ziba Management and Services – 100% (page 40)
13. HZ Group of Companies, Israel – 100% (page 40)
14. Lima Kenya – 50% (page 40)
15. Air Kenya – 50% (page 40)
16. National Milling Corporation – shareholder (page 40)
17. Safaricom Kenya (together with Gideon Moi, Charles Field Marsham) – 40% (page 40)
18. Team Simoco (He is majority shareholder) (page 102)

Open research indicates ownership of:

1. Kenol-Kobil – Biwott controlled 17% of the private oil industry in Kenya (page 40)
2. Petrol Stations in Uganda operated through Kenol-Kobil and worth Kshs. 7 billion (page 40)
3. Wesmont – Independent power producer company owned by Biwott and Harbinder Sethi Singh (page 40)
4. Grand Diani Reef Hotel (page 40-41)
5. Regional Air (page 41)
6. H. Young and Company (page 41)
7. S. R Telecommunications Co. Ltd (page 41)
8. First American Bank (page 41)
9. Pan African Bank (no longer in operation) (page 41)
10. Middle East Bank (page 41)
11. Trans-National Bank (page 41)
12. Government of Kenya (page 41)

Open research indicates law firms representing his interests are:

1. Shapely & Berret Advocates (page 41)
2. Esmail & Esmail (page 41)
3. Kapila & Kapila (page 41)
4. De Gama Rose Advocates (page 41)
5. Law firm established by daughter Rita Biwott (page 41)


1. Kenya: bought a house in Riverside Drive from the Irish embassy that was paid for offshore on an undisclosed date (page 42)


1. Middle East Bank: Biwott purchased Middle East Bank using Akber Esmail as a nominee (pg42)
2. Trade Bank: Biwott transferred his operations to Trade Bank, then owned by Alnoor Kassam. It’s also alleged that Trade bank was involved in export financing fraud to a #quantum of about Kshs. 700 million, that Trade Bank took over Yaya center from Kassam and that Solomon Muthamia, a forex dealer with the bank was entrusted with laundering the proceeds of Turkwell Gorge on behalf of Biwott and Moi. (page 42-45)
3. Pan African Bank: Kobil banked with Pan African Bank


1. Credit Suisse and Citibank (page 46)
2. Bank Cantonale Vaudoise: Significant amounts of money being moved from Bank Cantonale Vaudoise on behalf of Biwott (page 46-47)


1. Banque Belgolaise: Reported that Biwott and ex-president Moi are joint owners of Banque Belgolaise, 40% of which is owned by Biwott (page 47)

Business Associates

1. Gad Zeevi (page 47-48)
2. Akber Esmail (page 48-49)
3. Naushad Merali (page 49-50)
4. Horatius de Gama Rose (page 50)
5. Mohammed Bawazir (page 50)
6. Mohammed Aslam (page 51)
7. Alnoor Kassam (page 51 -53)
8. Charles Field-Marsham (page 53)
9. Joseph Schwartzman (page 53-54)
10. Ben Sassoon (page 54)
11. Danny Vardi (page 54)
12. David Bartknowski (page 54)
13. Biwott was involved in the siphoning of funds from th proceeds of Turkwell Gorge Hydro- Electric Dam Project (page 108)

Philip Moi >

Philip Moi, son of ex-President Daniel arap Moi.
It is understood that Philip has an estimated wealth of approximately $ 770 million and controls more hidden cash than Gideon, even though significant attention has been directed at the latter. (page 55).
Business links

1. Gateway Properties Inc—1992 documentary evidence (page 55)
2. Paradise Holdings (page 55)
3. Sheraton Holdings (page 55)
4. Hahuru Investors (page 55)
5. General Commodity Dealers (page 55)
6. Kiharu Investors (page 55)
7. Concord Holdings—Connected to Goldenberg (page 55)
8. Panafcon Engineering (page 55)
9. Tiger Farm Limited (page 55)
10. Ecta Kenya Limited (page 55)

He operates accounts in London’s Branch of HSBC and Standard Chartered Plc.
Barclays Bank (page 57)
The details of the account Philip Moi holds at Barclays bank are as follows:
Name of Bank: Barclays Bank Plc.
Barclays Business Centre Hampstead High Street Branch, 28 Hampstead,
London NW3 1 QB
Sort Code: 203616
Account Number: 90391158
As this information dates back ten years ago, it is possibly connected to Goldenberg
Credit Suisse Zurich , Switzerland . (page 57)
Rosanna Moi indicated that in October 2002, Philip Moi lost US Dollrs 15 million to an Italian family on a deal that failed to deliver. This money was paid to his family through Philip’s Sandhurst Matrix Inc account held at Credit Suisse, Zurich
Sultanate of Brunei (page 57)
Philip is a close friend of Prince Hamid of Brunei . Moi’s family has invested heavily through Prince Hamid.The precise details of Philip’s investments through these investments are not known. Philip’s wife was planning to spend a vacation of Christmas 2003 in Brunei with their children.
Business Associates

1. Zara/Rosanna Moi (page 57)
2. Dr. Clemente (page 58)
3. Akasha Family (page 59)
4. Muzahim (page 59)

KTM report country index
What follows is a list of countries (excluding Kenya ) involved in the holdings, transactions and other links of Moi's associates, as detailed in the original leaked report, KTM_report.pdf> .

* Target 3's wife lived in Australia (page 15)
* Biwott's investment with commercial interests in Australia (page 39)
* Biwott / Ownership of a 10.000 hectare ranch (page 40)
* Mukesh Gohil / Directorship of two companies (page 65)
* Mukesh Gohil / Shantilal Brother ( Australia ) Pty Ltd (page 85)
* Mukesh Gohil / South Austral Pty Ltd (page 86)


* Biwott / Moi (joint?) ownership of Banque Belolaise (page 47)
* Team Simoco / Simens International / Siemens Atea, the Belgian branch (page 104)


* Philip is a close friend of Prince Hamid of Brunei (page 57)
* Moi's family has invested heavily through Prince Hamid (page 57)
* Philip's wife and children were planning to spend Christmas 2003 vacation in Brunei (page 57)


* Charles Field-Marshal / Biwott's son in law, manager Yaya Center / canadian citizenship and present residence (page 53)


* Saimon Roadrekearek of Allen & Overy (page 33)
* Gideon telephone call to Mukesh (page 36)


* Public sector related fraud / Generators from Finland (page 110)


* $200 million laundered via Frankfurt (page 8)
* Solomon Muthamia / Biwott's funds channelled to bank accounts in Germany (page 45)
* PAB / Aslam / Biwott's money recycles through unidentified German bank (page 46)
* Team Simoco / Siemens International / Siemens Group (page 104)
* Proceeds of Turkwell Gorge Hydro-Electric Dam Project / Unidentified banks (page 108)

Grand Cayman

* Gideon / Ken Boit (page 32)


* Biwott's investment with commercial interests (page 39)
* Zeevi's present residence / under investigation (page 48)
* Danny Vardi / Israeli national, former Israeli Defence Force, an advidor to the Israeli government of natural gaz projects (page 54)
* David Bartknowski / Israeli national, Gad Zeevi's former CFO (page 54)


* Philip Moi / property ownership (page 55)
* Zara/Rosanna Moi / Philip's Italian wife / numerous bank operations (page 57)
* Zara/Rosanna Moi travelled from Italy to Leichtenstein and Switzerland (page 57)
* Zara/Rosanna Moi is relatively unknown, so Philip prefers to use her as his 'Italian connection' (page 58)
* Philip refuses to visit Italy , uses Dr. Cliemente to recover money (page 58)
* Mrs Moi was visiting Italy to meet Dr. Cliemente to discuss money (page 58)
* Philip provided cover to Italian families dealing with drugs in Malindi (page 59)


* Naushad Merali / contract secured to supply Daihatsu 4x4s to government parastatals (page 49)


* Millions held (page 8)


* Zara/Rosanna Moi made visits to Leichtenstein (page 57)


* Muzahim / Philip / counterfeiting (page 59)


* Kulei / Moi / Gideon / CitiCorp / CitiBank / UBP (page 33)


* Tobacco farm owned by Gideon (page 31)
* Gideon's meeting with Habinder Singh Sethi (page 37)


* President Sam Nujoma (page 13)
* Meeting with President Nujoma (page 29)


* Team Simoco / Background / Philips Electronics N.V. (page 102)

Puerto Rico

* Moi / Biwott / Zeevi's investment in oil refineries (page 48)


* Zeevi / Chernoy corrupt dealings


* Muzahim / Philip / counterfeiting (page 59)

South Africa

* 74 closed corporations under the name of Harbinder Singh Sethi (page 10)
* Gideon (page 13)
* Kulei has property interests (page 23)
* 74 closed corporations under the name of Harbinder Singh Sethi (page 32)
* Gideon / Harbinder Singh Sethi (page 33)
* Sethi holds many of Gideon's assets, a ranch (page 37)
* Sethi flew the Moi's carrying cases of dollars (page 37)
* Gideon / Kiplagat / sale of $650,000 Durban-based residential property (page 38)
* Harbinder Singh Sethi / resident in Sandton, Johannesburg (page 65)
* Harbinder Singh Sethi / property (pages 66-67)
* Sethi / 'member' of 74 closed corporations (pages 68-71)


* Muzahim / Philip / counterfeiting (page 59)


* $200 million laundered via UBP. (page 8)
* Geneva launder Gabriel Moussa Katri (page 8)
* $100-$500 million laundered via UBP (page 8)
* Transfer orchestrated by Mukesh Gohil (page 8)
* Credit Swiss / Sandhurt Matrix / Dr Clemente / Garian Investments (page 9)
* Gabriel Moussa Katri's $200 million launder / UBP (page 24, 25)
* PAB / Aslam / Biwott's money recycles through unidentified Swiss bank (page 46)
* Zeevi and Biwott's accounts Credit Suisse in Geneva and Citiban in Zurich (page 46)
* Zeevi / $12 million credit from Credit Suisse (page 46)
* Biwott / significant amount of money moved from Banque Cantonale Vaudoise (page 46)
* Philip Moi / lost US$15 million process paid through account held at Credit Suisse, Zurich (page 57)
* Zara/Rosanna Moi visited Lugano in Ticino , a remote area but with over 100 banks (page 57)
* 'Not surprising' that Zara should visit Lugano, since major international drug barons favor this destination (page 58)
* Gabriel Moussa Katri / Banque Patrimoines Prives Geneve BPG SA (pages 89-90)
* Gabriel Moussa Katri / Discount Bank and Trust Company "The Recanati Bank" (pages 90-91)
* Gabriel Moussa Katri / Union Bancaire Privee (pages 91-92)
* Gabriel Moussa Katri / Banque Privee de Rothschild S.A. (pages 92-93)


* Ownership of petrol stations operated through Kenol-Kobil (page 40)
* Biwott expelled in 1972 (page 48)
* Damani Harshad / Article in 'The Monitor' / Ugandan individual (page 79)

United Kingdom

* Mukesh Gohil / Citibank (page 9)
* HSBC / Standard Chartered PLC / Barclays (page 10, 56)
* 6.5 million pounds laundered into Surrey and Knightsbridge (page 10)
* Sovereign Group Ltd / Sovereign holdings (page 11)
* Hotels in London (page 13)
* Kulei and Moi properties in Surrey (page 22)
* Broadlands Overseas S.A (page 22)
* Lowdnes Square London (page 22)
* Kulei stock brokers (page 27)
* Gideon / Mukesh Gohil properties in London (page 31)
* 550 million pounds laundered via Citibank (page 32)
* Mukesh / Gideon holdings in London (page 32)
* Chales Field-Marsham / code-sharing arrangement with British Airways (page 41)
* Rayner / resident in the UK (page 44)
* Solomon Muthamia / Biwott's funds channelled to bank accounts in UK (page 45)
* Field Marsham / work in an international investment bank in London (page 53)
* Philip Moi / issue cheques for the purchase of equipment for manufacturing cooking fat (page 56)
* Philip Moi / used HSBC account to buy equipment for Cut Tobacco Ltd. (page 56)
* Philip Moi / signed ₤500000 Barclays Bank cheques for and behalf of Gateway Properties Inc (page 56)
* Mukesh Gohil / Properties in Middlesex, Bedfordshire and Leicestershire (pages 61-64)
* Mukesh Gohil / Directorship of 3 companies (pages 64-65)
* Sethi / former directorships of 3 companies (page 67)
* Naushad Noorali Merali / Directorships in 2 companies (page 73)
* Merali / Holdings in several companies (pages 73-74)
* Rohit Pattni / Two properties in Middlesex and Surrey (pages 75-76)
* Rohit Pattni / Director of 6 companies (pages 76-78)
* Vaju Pattni / KP's brother is in London , travels to Birmingham , Manchester (page 79)
* Vaju Pattni / Property in Sudbury US$1m (page 79)
* Damani Harshad / Located in Hertfordshire (page 79)
* Damani Harshad / Director of company (page 80)
* Hema Damani / Director of company (page 80)
* Vaju Pattni / Property searches (pages 80-81)
* Mukesh Gohil / Armada Services Ltd (page 84)
* Mukesh Gohil / Technology 4 All Ltd (page 84)
* Mukesh Gohil / Aandatta Ltd (page 85)
* Harbinder Sethi / BasicStone Ltd (pages 86-87)
* Harbinder Sethi / Canray Ltd (pages 87-88)
* Harbinder Sethi / Hollywood Electronics Ltd (pages 88-89)
* Naushad Merali / W.P.H Kenya Tea Ltd (page 94)
* Naushad Merali / Overseas International Telecommunications Ltd (pages 94-95)
* Akber Esmail / Steel Brothers and Company (pages 95-97)
* Horatius da Gama Rose / Symphony Global Technologies Plc (page 97)
* Rohit Pattni / Octogen Ltd (pages 97-98)
* Rohit Pattni / Riverton Securities Ltd (page 98)
* Rohit Pattni / Deonberry Finance Ltd (pages 98-99)
* Rohit Pattni / Ashym Properties Ltd (pages 99-100)
* Rohit Pattni / L Thomas & Company Ltd (page 100)
* Rohit Pattni / Fairoak Investments Ltd (pages 100-101)
* Team Simoco / Corporate records listing (pages 103-104)
* Team Simoco / Team Communications / Company listings (page 104)
* Proceeds of Turkwell Gorge Hydro-Electric Dam Project / Unidentified banks (page 108)

United States

* Properties held (page 11)
* Kulei / Terer Kulei owns several properties in NY (page 23, 26)
* Alnoor Kassam / Zeevi agreement of sale of Trade Bank in NY (page 51)
* Field Marsham / work in an international investment bank in NY (page 53)


* Muzahim / Philip / counterfeiting (page 59)

network map> | member centre>>>
Ex-Kenyan president's $5b fraud revealed
Xan Rice in Nairobi | August 31, 2007

THE breathtaking extent of corruption perpetrated by the family of the former Kenyan leader, Daniel arap Moi, has been exposed in a secret report that uncovered a web of shell companies, secret trusts and frontmen that his entourage used to funnel hundreds of millions of pounds into about 30 countries.
The 110-page report by the international risk consultancy Kroll, and seen by The Guardian, alleges that relatives and associates of Mr Moi siphoned off perhaps as much as £2 billion ($5 billion) of government money. If true, it would put the Mois on a par with Africa's other great kleptocrats, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo) and Nigeria 's Sani Abacha.
The assets included multimillion-pound properties in London , New York and South Africa , as well as a 10,000-hectare property in Australia and bank accounts containing hundreds of millions of pounds.
The report, commissioned by the Kenyan Government, was submitted in 2004, but never acted upon. Kroll would not confirm or deny the report's authenticity on Thursday.
The Kroll investigation into the former regime was commissioned by President Mwai Kibaki shortly after he came to power on an anti-corruption platform in 2003. It was meant to be the first step towards recovering some of the money stolen during Mr Moi's 24-year rule, which earned Kenya the reputation as one of the world's most corrupt countries.
But soon after the investigation was launched Mr Kibaki's government was caught up in its own scandal, known as Anglo Leasing, which involved awarding huge government contracts to bogus companies. Since then, none of Mr Moi's relatives or close allies has been prosecuted, and no money has been recovered. Three of the four ministers that resigned after the Anglo Leasing scandal was exposed have since been reinstated.
On Thursday the Kenyan Government confirmed it received the Kroll report in April 2004. But the Government's official spokesman, Alfred Mutua, said it was incomplete and inaccurate, and that Kroll had not been engaged to do any further work. "We did not find that the report was credible. It was based a lot on hearsay," he said, adding that the leaking of the report was politically motivated. He insisted Kenya was working with foreign governments to recover the stolen money. "Some of the money is in UK bank accounts. We have asked the British government to help us recover the funds but so far they have refused," Dr Mutua said.
The report was obtained through the website Wikileak, which aims to help expose corruption. The document is believed to have been leaked by a senior government official upset with Mr Kibaki's failure to tackle graft and by his alliance with Mr Moi, who remains an influential figure in Kenya , before the December presidential election.
On Tuesday Mr Moi announced he was backing Mr Kibaki for a second term, saying he was disappointed that "selfish individual interests have been entrenched in our society".
Guardian News & Media

Index of names, company names and properties

Notes & References

1. ↑> Githongo's courageous whistleblowing actions have been the subject of much international media attention. See, for instance, John Githongo> 's page on this wiki, and a profile in the New Statesman from February 2006, available at> .
2. ↑> See, for instance, 'State Changes Tune on Looted Billions Abroad',> , May 19, 2005, written as the investigation was wound down by the Kenyan government. Kroll also played a role in the investigations of the Anglo Leasing investigations, see e.g.'Githongo secret diary',> .
3. ↑> See>
4. ↑> See, e.g., in Time Magazine's article on Githongo,,9171,901060306-1167713-1,00.html> : 'Githongo's crusade started at a time of great hope. In 2002, Mwai Kibaki, head of the National Rainbow Coalition, won the presidency, promising an end to corruption as "a way of life."'
5. ↑> See, e.g., 'Kenya's anti-graft czar resigns',> , and 'Kenya graft fighter 'threatened,> .
6. ↑> ' Kenya : What Moi-Kibaki Alliance Means',> .
7. ↑> ' Kenya : Kibaki Appoints Moi Peace Envoy',> .
8. ↑> The table of contents is not easy to follow and does not make this clear, but there are 'sectioning' pages. It is a 'consolidated report', perhaps consolidating smaller reports. There are duplicate sections for some individuals investigated. The table of contents refers to an 'Introduction' section, which apparently has been redacted.
9. ↑> see, e.g.>
10. ↑> As documented by Githongo himself: see 'Githongo secret diary',> .
11. ↑>>
12. ↑> See, e.g.,> and> .
13. ↑> See, e.g.,> .
14. ↑> See, e.g.,> and> .

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